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SIE    THOMAS    MOBE 


Sik  Thomas   Moke. 


From  the  draining  by  Holbein. 


FRONTISPIECE. 


SIR  THOMAS  MOEE 


WILLIAM  HOLDEN  HUTTON,  B.D. 

FELLOW,    TUTOR,    PRECENTOR,    AND   LIBRARIAN   OF   S.    JOHN   BAPTIST  COLLEGE, 

OXFORD,    AND   EXAMINER   IN  THE   HONOUR   SCHOOL  OF   MODERN 

HISTORY  :    BIRKBECK    LECTURER   IN    ECCLESIASTICAL 

HISTORY   AT  TRINITY   COLLEGE,    CAMBRIDGE 


Ars  utinam  mores  animumque  efflngere  possit : 
Pulchrior  in  terris  nulla  tabella  foret.— Martial. 


METHUEN    &   CO. 
30    ESSEX    STREET,    W.C. 
LONDON 
1895 


Richard  Clay  &  Sons,  Limited. 
London  &  Bckgay. 


PEEFACE 

It  is  now  twelve  years  since  I  began  to  study 
the  life  and  writings  of  the  great  hero  of  conscience 
whom  this  book  commemorates.  The  work  has 
been  often  laid  aside,  but  never  wholly  abandoned, 
and  in  spite  of  the  demands  of  a  laborious  profession 
I  have  been  able,  I  think,  to  become  acquainted  with 
most  of  the  literature  which  describes  and  illustrates 
More's  beautiful  life. 

With  the  exception  of  Mr.  S.  L.  Lee's  admirable, 
and,  for  its  length,  exhaustive,  contribution  to  the 
Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  which  cannot  be 
obtained  in  a  separate  form,  and  Father  Bridgett's 
valuable  biography,  which  is  concerned  primarily 
with  the  life  of  More  as  a  defender  of  the  Papal 
Supremacy,  there  are  no  modern  works  which  have 
made  use  of  all  the  material  that  is  at  the  disposal 
of  students  of  this  period. 

Much  interest  attaches  to  the  earlier  biographies 
from  the  circumstances  connected  with  their  compo- 
sition and  publication. 

When  England,  under  Mary,  had  returned  to  the 
Roman  obedience,  William  Roper  wrote  the  life  of 


vi  PREFACE 

his  father-in-law  ;  Rastell,  his  nephew,  published  the 
great  folio  of  his  English  Works;  his  friend,  Ellis 
Heywood,  composed  his  Italian  memorial  II  Moro,  and 
Nicholas  Harpsfield  the  biography,  which  is  still  in 
manuscript  in  the  Library  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  at  Lambeth.  In  1555  and  1556  the 
Latin  works  were  published  at  Louvain  with  intro- 
ductory verses  and  eulogies. 

When  Roman  projects  were  most  rife  under 
Elizabeth  additions  were  made  to  the  literature  of 
the  subject.  Stapleton  published  his  Trcs  Thomae 
when  the  Armada  was  about  to  sail ;  and  an  anony- 
mous life,  also  in  the  Lambeth  Library,  was  written 
in  1599. 

After  the  marriage  of  Charles  I.,  Roper's  biography 
was  published  abroad,  and  Cresacre  More's  in  Eng- 
land. Hoddesdon's  compilation  appeared  in  1662, 
when  secret  negotiations  were  being  carried  on 
between  the  Papacy  and  the  Monarchy  of  the 
Restoration ;  and  Stapleton's  life  was  reprinted 
under  James  II. 

Roper  wrote  almost  entirely  from  personal  know- 
ledge and  from  memory.  Thus,  his  work,  in  spite  of 
its  deep  interest,  is  occasionally  inaccurate.  Staple- 
ton  added  to  the  statements  of  Roper  much  that  he 
had  himself  heard  from  members  of  More's  house- 
hold, and  also  collated  many  of  his  letters.  The 
anonymous  life  published  by  Dr.  Wordsworth1  is 
apparently  based  on  those  of  Roper  and  Harpsfield. 
It  has  been  attributed  to  More's  nephew,  Rastell; 
and  a  chance  reference  in  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury's 
1  Ecclesiastical  Biography,  vol.  ii. 


PREFACE  vii 

History  of  Henry  VIII.1  may  afford  a  slight  confirm- 
ation of  the  supposition.  Cresacre  More,  the  great- 
grandson  of  Sir  Thomas,  had  undoubtedly  some 
original  information,  but  his  work  is  mainly  founded 
on  those  of  Roper  and  Stapleton,  and  its  chief 
interest  lies  in  the  spirit  in  which  it  is  written.  Its 
authorship  was  for  a  long  time  attributed  to  his 
brother  Thomas  More,  a  Jesuit;  but  the  mistake 
was  corrected  by  Mr.  Hunter  in  the  edition 
of  1828. 

Among  later  English  biographies  the  most  notable 
are  those  by  Arthur  Cay  ley  (London,  1808),  Sir 
James  Mackintosh  (1807,  republished  1844),  and 
Mr.  Walter,  a  Roman  Catholic  writer  (London,  1830), 
with  Mr.  Seebohm's  interesting  study,  The  Oxford 
Reformers.  Among  German  lives  may  be  men- 
tioned those  of  Rudhart  (1829)  and  Baumstark 
(1879),  works  of  very  different  character  and  value. 

Some  years  ago  Mr.  Cotter  Morison  undertook  to 
write  a  life  for  the  series  called  English  Worthies, 
but  Mr.  Andrew  Lang  has  been  kind  enough  to  in- 
form me  that  he  made  no  progress  in  the  work. 

In  1891,  following  on  the  Beatification  of  Sir 
Thomas  More  by  Leo  XIII.  in  1886,  Father  Bridgett 
published  his  interesting  book. 

Those  who  know  the  literature  of  the  subject  will 
admit,  I  think,  that  there  is  still  room  for  another 
biography. 

My  aim  has  been  to  lay  most  stress  on  the 
personal  interest  of  the  subject.  To  this  object  the 
introduction  of  the  history  of  the  times,  and  the 
1  Edit.  1682,  p.  286. 


viii  PREFACE 

discussion  of  critical  questions  of  theology  and  his- 
tory, have  been  subordinated.  I  have  endeavoured 
not  to  write  as  the  partisan  of  any  school  or  opinion, 
but  as  a  student  of  the  past.  I  certainly  do  not 
claim  to  be  unbiassed ;  and  I  must  admit  that  to- 
wards such  a  character  as  More's  I  find  it  very 
difficult  even  to  fancy  myself  critical.  But  I  have 
tried  to  tell  my  story  simply,  briefly,  and  truthfully, 
with  no  extenuation  or  apology. 

That  it  is  impossible  to  speak  rightly  of  a  past  age 
without  allowing  it  to  speak  for  itself  is  often  more 
true  in  biography  than  in  history.  No  apology  is 
therefore  needed  for  the  frequent  use  of  the  actual 
words  of  the  early  biographers  of  More,  especially  of 
his  son  and  his  great-grandson,  in  whose  very 
language  there  seems  to  linger  a  spirit  which  modern 
English  could  with  difficulty  preserve.  I  cannot  for- 
bear to  add  that  I  have  used  the  copy  of  More's 
English  Works  which  belonged  to  William  Roper 
himself,  and  which  by  the  bequest  of  Nathaniel 
Crynes  in  1745  came  into  the  possession  of  the 
College  of  which  I  have  the  honour  to  be  Librarian. 

My  references  in  the  early  lives  are  almost  invari- 
ably to  the  original  authority  for  the  particular 
statement.  Thus,  for  instance,  Cresacre  More  is  not 
mentioned  in  the  notes  when  he  merely  repeats 
Roper  or  Stapleton. 

Of  the  mass  of  English  and  foreign  contemporary 
books  and  documents  illustrating  the  life  of  More  it 
is  unnecessary  to  speak.  The  references  I  have 
given  in  the  notes  do  not  claim  to  be  exhaustive. 
Erasmus  is  the  most  delightful  of  guides;  but  the 


PREFACE  ix 

late  Mr.  Fronde's  "  abbreviated  substitute  "  for  his 
writings,  charming  though  it  is,  is  far  too  untrust- 
worthy to  be  regarded  as  a  serious  authority  by 
any  one  who  has  studied  the  letters  and  treatises  for 
himself. 

Every  student  of  English  History  is  under  almost 
immeasurable  obligation  to  the  labours  of  the  late 
Mr.  Brewer,  of  Mr.  James  Gairdner,  whose  authority 
on  the  period  is  beyond  appeal,  and  of  D.  Pascual  de 
Gayangos,  through  whom  the  Domestic  and  Spanish 
Papers  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  have  been 
rendered  accessible  to  the  public. 

Lastly,  I  have  to  thank  the  Editor  and  Publishers 
of  the  English  Historical  Bevieiv  and  the  Guardian 
for  permission  to  reprint  matter  which  I  have 
contributed  to  their  columns. 

W.  H.  Hutton. 

The  Great  House,  Burford. 
S.  Alphege,  1895. 


CONTENTS 


CHAP.  TACK 

I.       EARLY     LIFE  I     INFLUENCES     OF    RELIGION    AND 


THE    RENAISSANCE 
II.       HOME   AND    FRIENDS       ... 

III.  LITERARY    WORK  \    THE    '  UTOPIA  ' 

IV.  POLITICAL    LIFE 
V.       RELIGIOUS    LIFE    AND    WORKS   ... 

VI.       TROUBLES,     IMPRISONMENT,    AND    DEATH 
INDEX   ... 


1 

40 
96 
143 
184 
229 
285 


SIR    THOMAS    MORE 


CHAPTER  I. 

EARLY   LIFE:   INFLUENCES  OF  RELIGION   AND   THE 
RENAISSANCE. 

"  Es  bildet  ein  Talent  sich  in  der  Stille, 
Sich  ein  Charakter  in  dem  Strom  der  "Welt." — Gothe. 

England  at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  was 
beginning  to  pass  out  from  the  medieval  world 
towards  that  expanded  horizon  which  stretched  ever 
further  as  she  advanced.  The  world  it  seemed  was 
being  recreated  as  the  years  drew  on.  The  age  of 
English  discovery  had  begun.  Piloted  by  Italians 
and  with  as  yet  no  certain  knowledge  of  how  widely 
they  were  extending  the  boundaries  of  European 
enterprise,  and  still  outstripped  by  the  great  feats  of 
the  Portuguese  and  of  Columbus,  Englishmen  had 
heard  of  the  new  world  in  the  Northern  Ocean  with 
its  riches  and  its  strange  peoples.  But  as  yet  they 
looked  within  rather  than  without.  An  Englishman 
who  had  been  to  Italy  was  more  thought  of  than 
one  who  had  seen  the  New  found  land.    Poliziano  and 


2  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

Pico  della  Mirandola  were,  for  years  to  come,  more 
famous  names  than  Cabot  and  Vespuce.     England's 
keenest  interest  lay  in  learning,  in  literature,  and  in 
art.      Foreign    painters   were    finding   in    England 
welcome  and  reward.     Foreign  scholars  were  received 
with   enthusiasm  which    almost   reached    adoration. 
And  in  England  every  production  of  the  continental 
Press,   Italian,    German,  French,  was   awaited  with 
eagerness,  and  read  with  avidity.     Small  though  the 
literary   public   may  have   been,  it   was   extremely 
important.     England  entered  into  the  literary  comity 
of  nations ;  and  her  students  wherever  they  wandered 
in  their   scholar-pilgrimage   still   found   themselves 
at  home.      Whatever  were  the  dark  stains  on  the 
picture,   Europe    still    stood    outwardly   undivided. 
Churchmen  were  not  all  ignorant,  nor  Popes  luxurious 
and  worldly.     Satire  might  fix  its  sharpest  darts  in 
the  hearts  of  Monasticism,  and  indignant  reformers 
might  repeat  the  strange  stories  that   men  told  of 
Papal   avarice  and   lust.     But  society  was  not  yet 
separated  into  bitterly  hostile  sections,  Art  was  not 
yet   corrupt,    and   the   gorgeous   pride   with   which 
^Religion  was  surrounded  still  left  it  power  to  inform 
the  mind  and  purify  the  heart. 

In  a  country  of  great  churches,  of  rich  merchandise 
and  pomp,  great  ideas  were  in  the  air.  The  men 
who  read  and  pondered  were  coming  out  into  the 
world,  and  the  world  was  ready  to  listen  to  them. 
And  great  ideas  were  represented  in  great  men. 
Between  1485  and  1535  England  had  two  great 
cardinals  and  two  greater  kings.  Fascinating  per- 
sonalities   too   gave    expression   to    the   marvellous 


s 


EARLY   LIFE 


richness  of  the  national  life.  Pico  was  striving  to 
reconcile  the  purity  of  the  Christian  belief  with  the 
beautiful  paganism  of  Greece ;  Amerigo  Vespucci 
was  sailing  "  to  see  and  know  the  far  countries  of  the 
world  "  ;  Wolsey  was  giving  England  a  firm  adminis- 
tration and  a  skilful  diplomacy ;  Erasmus  was 
pleading  as  a  scholar  for  the  liberty  of  reason  while 
he  clung  to  the  faith  of  the  Catholic  Church.  Of  all 
these  and  their  work  More  knew  well,  and  with  all 
he  sympathized ;  and  so  it  came  about  that  no  one 
represents  more  highly  or  more  nobly  the  greatness 
and  the  attraction  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived. 

The  life  of  More  falls  within  the  years  in  which 
Europe  was  passing  through  a  great  transition,  and 
England  through  a  great  awakening.  In  his  days, 
as  in  his  person,  the  Kenaissance  and  the  Reformation 
seemed  to  meet  on  British  soil.  No  Englishman  was 
ever  more  profoundly  influenced  by  the  feeling  of  his 
age.  The  delight  with  which  Italian  scholars  had 
pored  over  the  precious  manuscripts  of  the  classics, 
and  found  in  them  a  new  completeness  in  Humanity 
and  a  new  excellence  in  Art — the  zeal  with  which 
German  printers  had  multiplied  the  opportunities  of 
knowledge  and  enriched  them  with  every  device  which 
labour  and  ingenuity  could  suggest — the  enthusiasm 
with  which  eager  priests  of  every  nationality  had 
welcomed  the  new  light  that  was  beginning  to  shine 
upon  the  sacred  heritage  of  the  Christian  world — 
appealed  to  him  with  an  invitation  to  which  he 
eagerly  responded.  Not  less  was  he  touched  by  the 
claims  of  music,  of  painting,  of  the  instinct  for 
discovery  and  distant  quest  which  was  coming  to  be 


4  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

as  the  breath  of  life  to  the  Englishman  of  the  next 
age.  And  with  all  this  his  life  was  passed  in  the 
period  of  the  profoundest  religious,  political,  and  social 
change  that  our  nation  has  witnessed.  He  first  saw  the 
light  in  an  age  of  civil  conflict :  he  died  when  religious 
strife  was  at  its  fiercest.  The  year  of  his  birth  saw 
the  murder  of  Clarence ;  the  year  of  his  death  found 
the  English  King  deposed  and  excommunicated  by 
the  Pope.  As  a  boy  he  heard  tell  of  the  last 
intrigues  and  the  last  battles  of  the  War  of  the  Roses 
— as  a  man  he  took  part  in  the  measures  by  which 
England  under  Wolsey  and  Henry  VIII.  was  assuming 
a  position  in  Europe  which  the  proudest  of  her 
ancient  kings  might  have  envied.  It  was  a  period 
of  profound  disturbance.  Without  were  [fightings, 
within  were  fears.  "But  it  was  above  all  a  time  of 
vigorous  and  exultant  vitality.  And  in  all  the  varied 
manifestations  of  national  life,  the  literary  and  artistic 
interests,  and  the  political  and  religious  struggles,  no 
man  played  a  more  prominent  part  than  the  man  who 
among  all  changes  kept  untarnished  honour  till  the 
end.^,- 

Thomas  More  was  born  in  Milk  Street,  Cheap- 
side,  in  the  ward  of  Cripplegate  Within,  on  February 
7,  1478.1  His  father  was  John  More,  afterwards  to 
become  Knight  and  a  Justice  of  the  King's  Bench. 
His  mother's  name  is  less  easily  ascertained.  "  Matris 
nomen  nescitur,  quippe  quae  adhuc  infante  Thoma 
Moro   mortua  est,"  says    one    of    his    earliest   bio- 

1  See  on  this  point,  the  appendix  to  Mr.  Seehohm's 
Oxford  Reformers  (2nd  edition),  where  the  question  is  finally 
settled  ;  and  Notes  and  Queries,  4th  Series,  ii,  365. 


EARLY  LIFE  5 

graphers.  His  great-grandson,  Cresacre  More,  states 
that  her  name  was  "  Handcombe,  of  Holiewell  in  the 
countie  of  Bedford,"  but  the  discovery  of  Mr.  Aid  is 
Wright— a  contemporary  family  register — has  gener- 
ally been  accepted  as  proof  that  she  was  really  Agnes, 
daughter  of  Thomas  Granger.1 

He  was  of  gentle,  not  noble,  blood:  "  familia 
non  celebri  sed  honesta  natus,"  says  the  epitaph 
he  wrote  for  himself.  Little  else  is  known,  for  the 
family  papers  were  seized  by  Henry  VIII.  and  have 
not  been  discovered.  Cresacre  More  is  anxious 
to  show  that  "Judge  More  bare  arms  from  his 
birth,  having  his  coat  quartered,  which  doth  argue 
that  he  came  to  his  inheritance  by  descent";  yet 
he  can  say  no  more  of  his  family  than,  "  as  I  heard, 
they  either  came  out  of  the  Mores  of  Ireland,  or 
they  of  Ireland  came  out  of  us."  Mr.  Foss,  however, 
has  entered  into  a  lengthy  examination,  the  result 
of  which  has  satisfied  him  that  Sir  Thomas  More's 
grandfather  was  a  certain  John  More,  first  butler, 
afterwards  steward,  and  finally  reader,  of  Lincoln's 
Inn.2  It  seems  clear  too  that  the  Mores  held 
property  in  Hertfordshire  for  several  generations. 
Thomas  More  had  one  brother,  John,  who  was  his 
clerk  in  later  days.  Of  his  two  sisters,  Joan  married 
a  certain  Richard  Stafferton,  and  Elizabeth  became 
the  wife  of  John  Rastell,  the  poet,  and  second  printer 
of  note  in  England. 

The  vision  of  his  mother  on  her  wedding  night, 
recorded  by  the  biographer,  differs  little  from  those 

1  See  note,  p.  4. 

2  Judges  of  England,  vol.  v.  pp.  190—203. 


6  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

told  of  many  mothers  of  famous  men  in  early  times, 
f  While   he    was   still  an   infant    he   had    a   narrow 
escape  of  being  drowned,  which  is  noted  with  much 
earnestness  by  Dr.  Stapleton,  whose   Tres    Thomae 
was  the  earliest  printed  life,  and  who  delighted  to 
find  resemblances  in  the  minutest  details   between 
More  and  S.  Thomas  of  Canterbury.     "  This  escape," 
says  his  grandson,  "  was  no  doubt  a  happy  presage 
of  his  future  holiness,  and  put  his  parents  in  mind 
that  he  was  that  shining  child,  of  whom  his  mother 
had  that  former  vision;   wherefore  his  father  had 
the  greater  care  to  bring  him  up  in  learning.",  A  He 
himself  tells  an  anecdote  of  his  childhood  which  may 
serve  to  remind   us  of  the   exciting  events  among 
which  it  was  passed.     When  all  London  was  talking 
of  King  Edward's  death,  he  heard  his  father  told 
how,  on  the   very  night  of  the  decease,   a    neigh- 
bour had  said,  "By  my  troth,  man,  then  will  my 
master,  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  be  king."     Thomas 
More  was  then  little  over  five  years  old;1  but  he 
never  forgot  the  terror  that  that  grim  name  evoked. 
Before  long  he  was  placed  under  a  school-master 
of  fame,   one   Nicholas   Holt,   at    S.   Anthony's   in 
Threadneedle  Street.   This  school,  one  of  the  grammar 
schools  founded  by  Henry  VI.,  had  at  the  time   a 
great  reputation,  and  its  master  had  already  taught 
William  Latimer  and  John  Colet,  the  future  Dean. 


1  Latin  Works,  p.  46.  That  he  heard  the  story  told  to  his 
father  is  in  the  Latin,  but  not  in  the  English  version  of  the 
History  of  Richard  III.;  cf.  English  Works,  p.  38.  Cf.  Letters 
etc.  of  Richard  III.  and  Henry  VII.,  vol.  ii,  Preface  (by  Mr. 
James  Gairdner),  p.  xxi. 


EARLY  LIFE  7 

The  school  maintained  its  fame  down  to  the  days 
of  Stowe,  who  tells  us  that  in  the  disputation  of  the 
London  schools  in  the  churchyard  of  S.  Bartholomew, 
Smithfield,  the  boys  of  S.  Anthony's  usually  carried 
away  the  pi'ize.  After  Thomas  More  had  there 
"  been  brought  up  in  the  Latin  tongue,  he  was  by 
his  father's  procurement  received  into  the  house  of 
the  right  reverend,  wise,  and  learned  prelate,  Cardinal 
Morton," 1  probably  about  1489. 

Morton,  then  Archbishop  and  Lord  Chancellor,  but 
not  to  receive  the  red  hat  till  1493,  was  at  that 
time  probably  the  most  important  man  in  England ; 
and  it  may  be  reasonably  inferred  from  young  More's 
reception  into  so  distinguished  a  household  that  his 
father  had  then  reached  a  position  of  some  dignity, 
though  he  had  not  yet  become  a  serjeant-at-law. 
No  choice  could  have  been  wiser.  Morton  was  a 
man  of  learning  as  well  as  a  sagacious  statesman ; 
and  the  discretion  which  was  his  most  charac- 
teristic quality  may  well  have  impressed  itself  on 
More.  His  rise  had  been  due  to  Cardinal  Bourchier, 
by  whom  he  was  originally  introduced  at  Court, 
and  whom  he  ultimately  succeeded  in  the  archi- 
episcopate,  and  he  was  as  fortunate  in  the  enmity 
of  Richard  III.  as  he  had  been  in  the  favour  of 
Edward  IV.  In  his  History  of  Packard  III.,  More 
says  that  he  "  was  a  man  of  great  natural  wit,  very 
well  learned,  honourable  in  behaviour,  lacking  in  no 
wise  to  win  favour;"2  a  character  which  is  improved 

1  Roper,  Life  of  More  (edit.  Lumby  :  Cambridge,  1880), 
p.  6. 

*  English  Works,  p.  70. 


8  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

and  amplified  in  the  Utopia,  in  a  passage  so 
significant  of  More's  position  and  advantages  in  his 
house  that  it  may  well  be  quoted  here.  "He  was 
of  mean  stature,  and  though  stricken  in  age  yet  bare 
he  his  body  upright.  In  his  face,  did  shine  such  an 
amiable  reverence  as  was  pleasant  to  behold ;  gentle 
in  communication,  yet  earnest  and  sage.  He  had 
great  delight  many  times  with  rough  speech  to  his 
suitors  to  prove,  but  without  harm,  what  prompt  wit 
and  what  bold  spirit  were  in  every  man.  In  the  which, 
as  in  a  virtue  much  agreeing  with  his  nature,  so  that 
therewith  were  not  joined  impudency,  he  took  great 
delectation.  And  the  same  person  as  apt  and  meet 
to  have  an  administration  in  the  weal  public  he 
did  lovingly  embrace.  In  his  speech  he  was  fine, 
eloquent,  and  pithy.  In  the  law  he  had  profound 
knowledge,  in  wit  he  was  incomparable,  and  in 
memory  excellent.  These  qualities  which  in  him 
were  by  nature  singular,  he  by  learning  and  use 
had  made  perfect." x 

This  is  the  description  which  his  young  proUgt 
gives  of  the  great  counsellor  of  Henry  VII. — "  The 
King,"  he  makes  Master  Hythlodaye  add,  "  put 
much  trust  in  his  counsel,  and  the  commonwealth 
also  in  a  manner  leaned  unto  him  when  I  was 
there."  The  whole  passage — an  imaginary  convers- 
ation at  the  Chancellor's  house,  in  which  Hythlodaye 
takes  the  chief  part — may  not  improbably  be  a  re- 
collection, rather  than  an  invention,  of  More's,  for 
the  social  questions  of  the  day  undoubtedly  received 
much  attention  from  Morton.  He  is  now  remem- 
1  Ralph  Robinson's  Translation,  Arber's  edit.  p.  36. 


EARLY  LIFE  9 

bered  chiefly  by  "  Morton's  Fork,"  and  the  Union 
of  the  Roses;  and  the  active  good  that  he  did  is 
forgotten.  Yet  he  has  left  more  permanent  me- 
morials. Not  only  did  he  repair  at  his  own  cost  the 
official  residence  of  his  See,  and  carry  out  various 
works  at  Oxford,  of  which  the  completion  of  the 
Divinity  School  is  the  most  famous,  but  he  cut  the 
drain  from  Peterborough  to  Wisbeach  still  known  as 
"  Morton's  Leam,"  and  is  credited  with  the  erection 
of  the  Tower  of  Wisbeach  and  the  rebuilding  of 
Rochester  Bridge.  He  was  in  fact  a  man  from  whom 
More  would  obtain  the  training  of  a  philanthropist 
as  well  as  of  a  courtier.  It  is  probable  also  that  the 
very  definite  views  on  the  position  of  the  English 
Church  for  which  More  afterwards  laid  down  his  life 
had  their  origin  in  the  archbishop's  tuition.  Morton 
was  one  of  the  archbishops  who  followed  the  ex- 
ample of  Chichele  and  Beaufort,  under  whom  men 
were  taught  to  forget  the  claim  of  the  English 
primate  to  be  altcrius  orbis  papa.  The  very  words 
used  by  Sir  Thomas  More  on  his  trial  seem  an 
echo  of  the  policy  of  Morton,  a  complete  abnegation 
of  the  ancient  national  tradition. 

Whatever  influence  his  surroundings  may  have 
exercised  upon  him,  More  seems — child  though  he 
was — to  have  been  no  unimportant  person  in  the 
household  of  the  Chancellor.  "  Though  he  was  young 
of  years,"  says  Roper  in  a  well-known  passage,1  "  yet 
would  he  at  Christmas-tide  suddenly  step  in  among 
the  players,  and,  never  studying  for  the  matter,  make 
a  part  of  his  own  there  presently  before  them,  which 
1  Pace  6. 


10  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

made  the  lookers-on  more  sport  than  all  the  players 
beside.      In  whose  wit   and   learning   the  Cardinal 
much  delighting  would  often  say  of  him  unto  the 
nobles  that  divers  times  dined  with  him,  '  This  child 
here  waiting  at  the  table,  whosoever  shall  live  to 
see  it,  will  prove  a  marvellous  man.'  "   A  happy  life  it 
was  in  the  old  world  state  of  the  medieval  prelates. 
Art  flourished  in  all  its  richness  under  the  shelter 
of  the  Church.     The  sharp  division  of  classes  which 
the  Reformation  was  to  accentuate  was  hardly  felt 
as  yet,  and  the  New  Learning  from  Italy  was  begin- 
ning to  brighten  the  lives  of  priest  and  noble  alike. 
Perhaps  it  was  of  this  time  that  Erasmus  writes — 
"  Adolescens  comoediolas  et  scripsit  et  egit."  1     His 
life  at  any  rate  was  a  very  happy  one,  and  he  looked 
back  to  the  archbishop  in  later  years  with  the  rever- 
ence and  gratitude  that  belong  naturally  to  the  first 
who  loves  and  fosters  the  bright  hopes  of  boyhood. 
"  I  assure  you,  Master  Raphael,"  he  makes  himself 
to  say  in  the   Utopia,  "  I  took  great  delectation  in 
hearing  you  .  .  .  and  methought  myself  to  be  in 
the  mean  time  not  only  at  home  in  mine  own  country, 
but  also  through  the  pleasant  remembrance  of  the 
Cardinal,  in  whose  house  I  was  brought  up  of  a 
child,  to  wax  a  child  again.     And,  friend  Raphael, 
though  I  did  bear  very  great  love  towards  you  before, 
yet,  seeing  you  do  so  earnestly  favour  this  man,  you 
will  not  believe  how  much  my  love  towards  you  is 
now  increased." 

How   long   More    remained    in  the   Chancellor's 
household  is  uncertain,  but  the  year  of  his  removal 
1  Epp.  x.  30. 


EARLY  LIFE  11 

to  Oxford  is  now  believed  to  be  1492.  That  he 
was  sent  to  the  University — no  necessary  introduc- 
tion to  the  profession  of  the  Law,  for  which  his  father 
designed  him — was  due  to  the  care  of  his  patron, 
who,  says  his  grandson, "  saw  that  he  could  not  profit 
so  much  in  his  own  house  as  he  desired,  where  there 
were  many  distractions  of  public  affairs."  1  Thus, 
at  fourteen,  he  was  introduced  to  the  great  centre 
of  culture  in  England,  where  already  the  material 
prosperity  of  the  time  was  providing  new  endowments 
for  scholars,  and  whence  students  were  crossing  to 
Italy  to  study  Greek  at  what  seemed  to  be  the 
fountain  of  all  learning.  At  Morton's  table,  no 
doubt,  he  would  have  heard  talk  of  the  subjects 
which  enchained  men's  minds  in  Italy  and  had 
begun  to  touch  the  colder  hearts  of  Englishmen ; 
but  the  learning  of  the  ecclesiastics  and  lawyers  of 
More's  childhood  belonged  to  an  age  that  was  rapidly 
passing  away,  and  even  in  the  archbishop's  house  he 
could  have  had  little  hint  of  the  fulness  of  that  new 
light  to  the  dawnings  of  which  he  was  introduced 
at  Oxford.  His  juvenile  performances  show  the 
development  of  his  mind  very  clearly.  The  string 
of  verses,  hardly  to  be  called  a  poem,  entitled 
"  A  merry  jest  how  a  sergeaunt  would  learne  to 
playe  the  frere,"  in  default  of  any  evidence  of  date, 
would  seem  to  belong  to  an  earlier  period  than  that 
to  which  Sir  James  Mackintosh  assigned  it.  Its 
merit  hardly  deserves  the  eulogies  passed  upon  it 
by  that  author.2     It  is  no  doubt  true  that  English 

1  Cresacre  More,  p.  9. 

2  Life  of  More,  pp.  15—17. 


12  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

poetry  was  then  at  a  low  ebb,  but  the  fact  is  hardly 
to  be  accepted  as  proof  of  genius  in  all  who  essayed 
to  write  verses.  The  whole  jingle,  which  fills  four 
pages  of  the  collected  edition  of  More's  English 
Works,  gives  indications  of  juvenility  in  the  writer 
as  well  as  of  the  decadence  of  English  verse,  and 
shows  no  trace  of  the  higher  culture  by  which  More 
was  marked  after  his  Oxford  studies  had  begun. 
To  the  view  that  these  lines  were  written  when 
More  was  quite  a  boy  some  support  is  also  given  by 
the  fact  that  they  are  printed  at  the  beginning  of 
the  collection  above-mentioned,  in  which  chrono- 
logical order  is  clearly  attempted. 

An  advance  is  to  be  traced  in  the  lines  which  he 
wrote,  probably  in  some  Oxford  vacation,  under  the 
nine  allegorical  representations  of  the  ages  of  man 
devised  by  him  for  his  father's  house  in  London. 
In  these  a  certain  elegance  of  force  appears  :  he  was 
learning  at  the  University  that  sense  of  form  and 
style  which  he  never  lost.  On  the  first  pageant,  for 
instance,  was  depicted  on  the  "goodly  hanging  of 
fine  painted  cloth  "  a  boy  whipping  a  top,  with  these 
lines  appended — 

"  I  am  called  Chyldhod,  in  play  is  all  my  mind, 
To  cast  a  coyte,  a  cokstele,  and  a  ball. 
A  toppe  can  I  set  and  drive  it  in  Ms  kynde, 
But  would  to  God  these  hatefull  bookes  all 
Were  in  a  fyre  brent  to  poutler  small. 
Then  myght  I  lede  my  lyfe  alwayes  in  play  : 
Which  life  God  send  me  to  myne  endyng  daye." l 

In  the  second  pageant  was  shown  a  "  goodly  freshe 

1  English  Works,  edit.  1537  ;  and  cf.  Warton,  History  of 
English  Poetry  (1st  edit.),  vol.  iii.  p.  101. 


EARLY   LIFE  13 

yonge  man,"  riding,  with  a  hawk  on  his  wrist,  followed 
by  a  brace  of  greyhounds.     On  this  the  verses  were — 

"  Manhod  I  am.     Therefore  I  me  delyght 
To  hunt  ami  hawk,  to  nourish  up  and  fede 
The  grayhounde  to  the  course,  the  hawke  to  the  flyght, 
And  to  bestride  a  good  and  lusty  stede. 
These  thynges  become  a  very  man  indede 
Yet  thinketh  this  boy  his  pevishe  game  swetter, 
But  what  no  force,  his  reason  is  no  better." 

The  third  represented  the  triumph  of  Cupid,  who 
stood  upon  the  prostrate  body  of  the  "  freshe  yonge 
man,"  with  Venus  at  his  side — 

"  Who  so  ne  knoweth  the  strength  and  power  and  myght 
Of  Venus  and  me  her  lytle  sonne  Cupyde 
Thou  Manhod  shalt  a  mirrour  bene  a  ryght 
By  us  subdued  for  all  thy  great  pryde 
My  fyry  dart  perceth  thy  tender  syde. 
Now  thou  which  erst  despiseth  children  small 
Shall  waxe  a  chylde  again  and  be  wythall." 

For  the  fourth  there  was  Old  Age — 

"  Old  Age  am  I,  with  lokkes  thynne  and  hore, 
Of  our  short  lyfe  the  last  and  best  part. 
Wyse  and  discrete  :  the  publike  wele  therefore 
I  help  to  rule  to  my  labour  and  smart. 
Therefore,  Cupyde,  withdraw  thy  fyry  dart. 
Chargeable  matters  shall  of  love  oppresse 
The  chyldish  game  and  ydle  business." l 

For  the  others,  Death,  Fame,  Time,  Eternity,  and 
the  Poet  (whose  verses  are,  significantly,  in  Latin), 
the  treatment  is  entirely  conventional,  and  the 
expression  much  weaker. 

Upon   these,  again,  a   further  advance,  with   the 
distinct  influence  of  Italian  models,  is  to  be  seen  in 

1  English  Works,  pp.  3,  4. 


14  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

the  Bufull  Lamentation  of  1503;  while  the  English 
style  comes  out  with  ease  and  freshness  in  the  prose 
of  the  life  of  Pico  della  Mirandola,  in  1504.  We 
can  trace  in  the  beginnings  of  his  literary  work  the 
influence  of  the  Oxford  of  his  day.  But,  to  return. 
More  was  entered  at  Canterbury  College,  one  of  the 
foundations  which  afterwards  made  way  for  Christ 
Church,  and  seems  to  have  occupied  a  room  also 
in  S.  Mary  Hall.1  There  he  remained  for  two 
years.  Of  the  state  of  learning  in  Oxford  at  that 
time  very  different  opinions  have  been  expressed. 
Many,  relying  on  the  strong  condemnation  of 
Erasmus  and  More,  and  forgetting  that  such  lan- 
guage has  been  used  by  the  more  advanced  scholars 
of  all  ages,  would  consider  that  no  interest  in 
literature  or  culture  was  apparent.  This  is,  surely, 
a  mistake.  Though  the  Universities  of  England 
had  not  the  support  which  was  afforded  in  Italy  by 
the  circles  of  distinguished  patrons  of  learning,  the 
great  leaders  of  the  English  Renaissance  and  Reform- 
ation, as  well  as  their  opponents,  had  received  an 
academical  training.  It  was  already  fashionable  to 
patronize  learning.  Henry  VII.  was  not  forgetful 
of  his  cultured  mother,  and  Prince  Arthur  was  a 
constant  visitor  at  Oxford.  More  significant  still, 
the  University  had  chosen  Morton  as  its  Chancellor. 
When  More  began  to  study  in  Oxford  the  attempt 
to  transplant  Italian  culture  was  being  made  with 
energy  and  success.     Grocyn,  who  had  visited  Italy 

1  Vide  Ant.  Wood,  Athenae  Oxonienses  (1st  edit.),  p.  32, 
quoting  Miles  Windsor  :  cf.  Cres.  More,  p.  9,  and  Hoddesdon, 
p.  3  ;  also  Hearne's  edition  of  Roper. 


EARLY  LIFE  15 

in  1488,  was  teaching  Greek  to  an  eager  and  in- 
creasing audience.      Linacre,  a  younger  man,  who 
had  also  breathed   the  delicate  atmosphere  of  the 
Florentine  Academy,  and  studied  under  Chalcondylas 
and  Poliziano,  was  More's  especial  instructor.1    While 
these  men  lectured  on  the  classic  literatures,  and  the 
hearers  began   to  perceive    the   dimensions  of  that 
vast  world  of  literature  and  art  which  it  seemed  to 
be  within  their  power  to  revivify  and  reconstruct, 
not  only  boys  like  More,  but  men  already  working 
in  the  world,  professed  ecclesiastics  and  parish  priests 
like  Colet,  gave  up  active  life  to  enter  on  the  new 
course  of  study.      For  them,  as  for  those  who  were 
carrying  the  English  name  across  the  far  seas,  a  new 
world  seemed  to  be  open.     Then  it  was  that  Colet 
(the  phrase  is  Mr.  Seebohm's)  "fell  in  love  with" 
More.     The  expression  is  hardly  too  strong.     He  was 
now  only  fourteen,  but  there  seems  always  to  have 
been  all  through  his  life  a  fascination   about  More 
which  no  cultured  man  could  resist.    It  was  the  union 
of  simplicity  of  manner  and  purity  of  soul  with  a  swift 
appreciation  of  the  thoughts,  and  a  true  sympathy 
for  the  sorrows  of  others, — of  a  keen  intellect  and 
deep  earnestness  of  purpose,  softened  by  a  bright 
and  continual  humour.      More  might  well  be  the 
"soul"  of  Colet,  as  Tommaso  Cavalieri  was  a  few 
years  later  of  the  great  Florentine  sculptor.     Colet 
was  then   twenty-six.      He  had  already  taken  the 
degree  of  Master  of  Arts,  and  was  now  studying 
Greek  with  an  intensity  which  soon  induced    him, 

1  See  ]n's  Epistle  to    Dorpius;  and  Stapleton,  de    Tribua 
Thomds  {More),  cap.  I. 


16  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

not  satisfied  with  what  Grocyn  and  Linacre  could 
teach,  to  travel  to  France  and  Italy  in  pursuit  of 
wider  culture.  The  friendship  thus  begun  was  to 
last  as  long  as  Colet's  life.  The  stern  but  saintly 
priest  never  forgot  his  young  Oxford  friend.  Of  his 
love  and  prayers  he  may  well  have  thought  when 
in  old  age  he  bade  the  children  of  "  Paul's "  lift  up 
their  little  white  hands  for  him.  We  have  little 
information  of  the  actual  course  of  More's  studies 
at  Oxford  beyond  the  bare  statement  of  his  letter 
to  Dorpius  already  referred  to.  His  life  could  not 
have  been  an  easy  one.  The  accounts  we  hear  of 
the  hardships  of  students  in  Edward  VI.'s  reign 
would  probably  be  as  true  of  forty  years  earlier. 
Many  rose  between  four  and  five,  and  after  prayer 
in  the  College  chapel,  studied  till  ten,  when  they 
dined  on  very  meagre  fare — "  content  with  a  penny 
piece  of  beef  between  four,  having  a  pottage  made 
of  the  same  beef  with  salt  and  oatmeal,  and  nothing 
else.  After  their  dinner,"  continues  the  description, 
"  they  are  reading  or  learning  till  five  in  the  evening, 
when  they  have  a  supper  not  better  than  their 
dinner,  immediately  after  which  they  go  to  reasoning 
in  problems  or  to  some  other  study  till  nine  or  ten ; 
and  then  being  without  fire  are  fain  to  walk  or  run 
up  and  down  for  half-an-hour  to  get  a  heat  in  the 
feet,  when  they  go  to  bed." x 

The  path  of  study  was  not  made  smooth  to  More, 
for  in  spite,  or  perhaps  in  consequence,  of  his  dili- 
gence, "  in  his  allowance  his  father  kept  him  very 

1  T.  Leaver,  1551,  in  a  sermon  at  S.  Paul's  Cross,  reprinted 
by  Mr.  Arber. 


Sir   John  More. 


From  the  drhiving  by  Holbein. 


'"''.<<■'  n 


EARLY  LIFE  17 

short,  suffering  him  scarcely  to  have  so  much  money 
in  his  own  custody  as  would  pay  for  the  mending  of 
his  apparel,"  and  demanding  a  strict  account  of  his 
expenses.      This   treatment,  says   his   grandson,  he 
would  often  speak  of  and  praise  when  he  came  to 
riper  }^ears,  "affirming  that  by  this   means  he  was 
curbed  from  all  vice  and  withdrawn  from  many  idle 
expenses,  either  of  gaming  or  keeping  naughty  com- 
pany, so  that  he  knew  neither  play  nor  other  riot, 
wherein  most  young  men  in  these  our  lamentable 
days  plunge  themselves  too  timely,  to  the  utter  over- 
throw as  well  of  learning  and  future  virtue  as  of  their 
temporal  estates."  x    Though  the  assiduity  with  which 
More  pursued  his  studies  must   have  satisfied  his 
father,  their  direction  was  not   so  pleasing,  for  the 
worthy  Judge  believed  that  Greek  literature  was  not 
likely  to  be  of  use  to  a  lawyer.2     Little  practical 
advantage  indeed  was  to  be  gained  at  Oxford  by  one 
destined  for  the  Bar.     The  Medieval  Universities  of 
the  North  were  as  a  rule  unfavourable  to  the  study 
of  Jurisprudence  and  of  Medicine.      At  Oxford  a 
degree  in  Law  could  not  be  obtained  without  seven 
years'  study  after  the  completion  of  the  Arts'  course, 
and  this  might  well  seem  a  waste  of  time  to  the  keen 
lawyer  whose  shrewd  face  we  know  so  well  from  Hol- 
bein's  masterly   drawing.      Harpsfield,  who  adds  a 
few  touches  to  Roper's  record  of  these  early  years, 
says  that  in  the  short  time  young  More  stayed  at 
Oxford — "  being  not  fully  two  years,  he  wonderfully 
profited  in  the  Latin  and  Greek  tongues."     It  was 
these  on  which  Colet  too  was  at  work  :  neither  of  the 

1  Cres.More,  p.  9.  2  Stapleton,  p.  168. 

C 


18  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

two  fellow-students,  it  may  well  be,  ran  their  "  full 
race  in  the  study  of  the  liberal  sciences  and  divinity." 
It  was  said  of  More  that  he  did  not  learn  the  meaning 
of  a  sentence  from  the  knowledge  of  the  words  which 
composed  it,  but  that  rather  his  swift  appreciation  of 
the  meaning  of  a  sentence  taught  him  the  meaning 
of  the  words  themselves.  He  had  a  genius  above 
grammar,  thought  Pace.  "  Est  enim  Moro  ingenium 
plusque  humanum."  He  learnt  to  write  Latin  with 
great  ease,  says  Erasmus,  and  to  speak  it  as  well  as 
his  own  tongue.1  These  studies,  fruitful  as  they  came 
to  be,  were  not  to  the  taste  of  the  hardworking 
lawyer,  and  so  the  lad  was  taken  away  from  Oxford, 
when  he  had  but  learnt  to  love  Colet  much  and  to 
love  true  religion  and  sacred  learning  more.  It  was 
well  for  poor  clerks  like  Thomas  Wolsey  to  linger  on 
teaching  their  lads  the  grammar,  or  for  scholars 
like  Colet  and  Linacre  and  Latimer  to  dally  with 
their  books.  There  was  other  work  for  one  who  would 
be  a  lawyer. 

Accordingly  young  More  was  removed  from 
Oxford,  and  in  1494  or  1495  entered  at  New  Inn, 
a  House  which  had  not  long  been  made  an  Inn 
of  Chancery.2     There  he  gave  his  attention  to  law, 

1  See  Pace,  De  Fructu  qui  ex  Doctrind  Percipitur;  Basle, 
1517  ;  and  many  passages  in  the  Letters  of  Erasmus. 

2  "The  entry  under  11  Henry  VII.  is  as  follows  :  '  Thomas 
More  admissus  est  in  Societat.  xij  die  Februar.  a°  sup.  dicto 
et  pardonat.  est  quatuor  vacacoes  ad  instanciam  Johis.  More 
patris  sui.'  Although  his  name  is  not  to  be  found  on  the  books 
of  New  Inn,  a  Society  then  recently  established,  there  is  no 
doubt  that  he  was  placed  there  for  some  time.  ...  He 
was  in  due  time  removed  to  Lincoln's  Inn,  and,  having 
passed  through  the  usual  course  of  study,  he  was  admitted  as 
an  utter  barrister,  but  the  early  books  of  that  Society  do  not 


EARLY  LIFE  19 

but  not  even  then  with  an  entire  devotion.  He 
could  not  forget  the  studies  of  his  childhood  or  the 
teachings  of  his  good  friend  Colet  ;  for  to  this 
period  may  probably  be  attributed  the  composition 
of  his  Latin  epigrams,  published  some  years  later, 
and  those  discursive  wanderings  among  the  writings 
of  the  Fathers  which  he  afterwards  utilized  in  his 
theological  controversies.  On  February  12,  1496,  he 
was  admitted  a  student  of  Lincoln's  Inn,  where  he 
was  to  obtain  a  more  severe  legal  training.  Here 
he  continued  "  with  a  very  small  allowance  "  1  until 
his  call  to  the  Bar  in  1500. 

Meanwhile  he  formed  another  friendship,  which 
partook,  perhaps  even  more  than  his  affection 
for  Colet,  of  the  nature  of  love.  Erasmus,  already 
famous,  came  to  England  with  his  pupil  and  friend, 
William  Blount,  Lord  Mountjoy,  and  may  have 
met  More  at  the  table  of  Colet's  father  on  his 
way  through  London,  as  Mr.  Seebohm  suggests.2 
Cresacre  More  tells  us  that  at  their  first  meeting, 
and  before  they  were  known  to  each  other,  an  argu- 
ment arose  between  them,  in  which  Erasmus,  after 
the    scholastic  fashion   defending   the  weaker  side, 

give  the  date  of  the  calls  to  the  Bar.  The  character  he 
acquired  as  a  lawyer  may  be  judged  from  his  soon  after  being 
selected  by  the  governors  to  deliver  lectures  on  the  science 
at  one  of  the  Inns  of  Chancery  dependent  on  their  house. 
Furnival's  Inn  was  the  scene  of  his  readings,  which  were  so 
highly  estimated  that  this  annual  appointment  was  renewed 
for  three  successive  years." — Foss,  Judges  of  England,  vol.  v. 
p.  206. 

1  Roper,  p.  6. 

2  Oxford  Reformers,  p.  113.  See  too  Professor  Jebb's 
delightful  Rede  Lecture  on  Erasmus,  p.  13. 


20  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

was  so  hardly  beset  by  the  wit  of  his  antagonist, 
that,  remembering  whom  Colet  declared  to  be  "  the 
one  genius  of  England,"  he  cried  out,  "Aut  tu  es 
Morus,  aut  nullus."  "  Aut  tu  es  Erasmus,  aut 
diabolus,"  was  the  retort.  The  acquaintance  thus 
begun  became  a  deep  affection ;  before  a  few  months 
had  passed  Erasmus  is  found  speaking1  of  "  my  own 
More,"  and  complaining,  in  all  the  glowing  phrases  of 
Renaissance  friendship,  of  his  delay  in  writing.  Years 
did  not  change  their  feelings ;  their  affection  became 
famous  :  twenty  years  afterwards  Tyndale  sneeringly 
spoke  of  Erasmus  as  More's  "darling,"  and  in  1533 
Erasmus  himself  says, "  In  Moro  mihi  videor  extinctus 
adeoju/a  <pvxv  juxta  Pythagoram  duobus  erat."  It  is 
the  phrase  of  Michaelangelo  in  the  very  same  year. 
"I  cannot  enjoy  life  without  the  soul,"  he  wrote  to 
Angelini,  and  it  was  Cavalieri  that  he  meant  by 
that  endearing  title.  The  Renaissance  differed 
indeed  in  England  and  in  Italy,  but  it  had  the 
same  passionate  sense  of  the  value  of  friendship 
and  fellow-work.  Again,  wrote  Erasmus  to  Ulrich 
von  Hutten,  "More  seems  to  be  born  for  friend- 
ship, of  which  he  is  a  true  follower  and  fast  keeper. 
...  If  any  man  desires  a  perfect  pattern  of  friend- 
ship, there  is  none  better  than  More."  "When," 
says  he,  writing  of  his  first  introduction  to  English 
society,  "  when  did  Nature  mould  a  character  more 
gentle,  endearing,  and  happy,  than  that  of  Thomas 
More  ? " 

The  friends  did  not  often  meet  during  the  first 
two  years  of  their  acquaintance,  for  Erasmus  was  at 
1  Epp.  vi.  11,  p.  354. 


EARLY  LIFE  21 

Oxford.  He  left  England  in  1500,  the  last  week 
of  his  stay  being  enlivened  by  a  practical  joke  of 
More's,  who,  when  they  were  both  guests  of  Lord 
Mountjoy  at  Greenwich,  induced  Erasmus  to  take  a 
walk,  and  led  him  to  the  royal  nursery,  where  the  un- 
fortunate scholar  was  called  upon  for  Latin  verses,  and 
was  quite  unable  to  produce  them  without  preparation.1 

Though  Erasmus  left  England,  More  had  now 
many  friends  around  him.  Grocyn  had  received  the 
Rectory  of  S.  Lawrence  in  the  Old  Jewry ;  Linacre 
was  also  living  in  London ;  a  new  friend,  Lilly,  also 
a  scholar  from  Italy,  lodged  in  the  Charterhouse  ;  and 
early  in  1505  Colet  came  into  residence  at  S.  Paul's.2 

Having  been  called  to  the  Bar,  More  returned, 
under  the  influence  perhaps  of  his  old  friends,  to 
the  study  of  other  than  legal  subjects.  He  delivered 
lectures  in  Grocyn's  church  on  the  De  Civitate  Dei, 
dwelling  on  the  historical  and  philosophical  lessons 
of  that  great  work  rather  than  on  its  theology. 
That  the  lectures  were  intended  to  advance  the 
cause  of  the  "  New  Learning  "  is  evident  from  the 
manner  in  which  Cresacre  More  speaks  of  them. 
He  tells  us  also,  following  Stapleton,  that  Grocyn 
was  deserted  :  "  almost  all  England  left  his  lecture 
and  flocked  to  hear  More."  He  was  equally  success- 
ful at  the  Bar ;  he  obtained  a  good  practice,  though 
he  never  undertook  a  case  of  the  justice  of  which 
he   was   not   satisfied  ;  3    and   he  was   appointed   a 

1  The  letter  describing  the  scene  is  given  by  Jortin,  vol.  iii. 
p.  105  sqq. 

2  Knight's  Life  of  Colet,  p.  63. 

*  Stapleton,  c.  ii. ;  Roper,  p.  6  ;  Cres.  More,  p.  44. 


22  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

reader  at  Furnival's  Inn,  where  he  delivered  lectures 
for  more  than  three  years.1 

But    he   did   not   therefore   relax    his   study    of 

theology,  or  vary  his  own  religious  life.     He  "  applied 

his  whole  mind,"  says  Erasmus, "  to  exercises  of  piety, 

looking  to  and  pondering  over  the  priesthood  in  vigils, 

fastings  and  prayers  and   the  like  austerities.      In 

the  which  thing  he  showed  himself  far  more  prudent 

than  most  candidates,  who  thrust  themselves  rashly 

into  that  arduous  profession,  without  any  previous 

trial  of  their  powers."      He  wore  a  hair  shirt  next 

his  skin,  fasted  much,  and  heard  mass  every  day.     He 

lived,  too,  near  the    Charterhouse,  daily   attending 

its  services,  but  without  taking  any  vow.     In  spite 

of    this    devotion,   and    of    his    earnest    desire    for 

religious  work,  which  induced  him  at  one  time  to 

think   of  becoming   a   Franciscan,  secular   business 

increased   upon    him.      In   January    1504,   he    was 

returned  to  Parliament ;  for  what  constituency  there 

seems  to  be  no  means  of  discovering.     His  return, 

probably  due  to  Court  influence,  may  be  attributed 

— though    there    is    no    such    hint    in    any    of    his 

biographies — to  his  recent   poetical  lament  on  the 

death   of   the   Queen.      Elizabeth,   wife    of   Henry 

VII,  died   in  February  1503,  and  More  celebrated 

her  virtues  and  deplored  her  loss  in  strains  which 

may  well  have  reached  the  royal  ear.     The  Bufull 

Lamentation   is   in   itself  a   work    of   little    merit. 

Written  on  the   model    of  the   tragical  soliloquies 

which   had   been  introduced  to  English  readers  by 

Lydgate  in  his  adaptation  of  Boccaccio's  De  Casibus 

1  Life  by  R.  B. :  Wordsworth's  Eccl.  Biog.  ii.  p.  64. 


EARLY  LIFE  23 

Virorum  Illustrium,  it  is  in  form  much  more  elegant 
than  in  matter.  The  attempt  at  such  a  metre 
showed  that  English  poetry  would  not  long  remain 
content  with  the  shuffling  jingle  of  its  decadence, 
but  the  expression  rarely  rises  above  the  common- 
place. Two  stanzas,  however,  may  be  quoted,  the 
one  as  a  specimen  of  the  style,  the  other  as  an  illus- 
tration of  More's  own  views. 

"  If  worship  might  have  kept  me,  I  had  not  gone  ; 
If  wit  might  have  me  saved,  I  needed  not  fear  : 
If  money  might  have  holp  I  lacked  none. 
But,  0  good  God,  what  vayleth  all  this  gear  ? 
When  death  is  come,  Thy  mighty  messenger, 
Obey  we  must,  there  is  no  remedy. 
Me  hath  he  summoned  and  lo  now  here  I  lie." 

"  Yet  was  I  late  promised  otherwise 
This  year  to  live  in  wealth  and  delice. 
Lo,  where  unto  cometh  thy  blandishing  promise, 
0  false  astrology  and  devinatrice. 
Of  God's  secret  making  thyself  so  wise. 
How  true  for  this  year  thy  prophecy  : 
The  year  yet  lasteth  and  lo  now  here  I  lie." 

This  latter  stanza  shows  that  thus  early  More  had 
repudiated  the  belief  in  astrology  common  even 
among  the  educated  and  eminent  men  of  his  time. 
He  roppfltpd  big  PAnr)pTr>nnthrn  in  several  Latin 
pjwraTTiS  n/nd  in  thft  UfnrtJf^Fnr  his  v7ews7)rTtnTs 
subject  More  may  have  been  indebted  to  the  writings 
of  Pico  della  Mirandola,  who,  though  he  had  not  seen 
the  folly  of  all  magic,  had  denounced  the  imposture 
of  judicial  astrology.  There  was,  perhaps,  less  crying 
cause  for  the  denunciation  in  England  than  in  Italy, 
where,  in  the  midst  of  a  laxity  of  religious  and  moral 
life,  the  pernicious  superstition  had  managed  subtly 


24  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

to  link  itself  even  with  the  victorious  Humanism  of 
the  asfe ;  but  the  manner  in  which  More  derided  the 
professors  of  the  "  science  "  at  such  a  moment  and  in 
such  a  poem  was  not  therefore  the  less  daring. 

The  Parliament  of  1504  met  in  a  troublous  time. 
Fears  of  dynastic  war  had  not  yet  passed  away,  and 
men  were  feeling  under  Empson  and  Dudley, 
"  those  two  catterpi liars  of  the  common  wealth,"  the 
power  of  an  administration  far  more  tyrannical  than 
that  of  Morton.  For  seven  years  Parliament  had  not 
been  summoned  :  money  had  been  obtained  from 
submissive  convocations  and  from  the  exactions  of  the 
King's  ministers.  Notwithstanding  the  unpopularity 
of  these  men,  in  which  the  King  shared,  the  royal 
influence  was  strong  enough  to  procure  the  choice 
of  Dudley  for  Speaker  in  the  Parliament  of  1504. 

According  to  Roper  1  three  fifteenths  were  de- 
manded as  aids  for  the  knighting  of  Prince  Arthur, 
and  the  marriage  of  Margaret,  the  King's  eldest 
daughter,  to  the  King  of  Scots.  Thomas  More  came 
into  notice  by  his  strong  opposition  to  their  request  : 
"  at  the  last  debating  whereof  he  made  such  arguments 
and  reasons  there  against  that  the  King's  demands 
were  thereby  overthrown ;  so  that  one  of  the  King's 
Privy  Chamber,  named  Mr.  Tyler,  brought  word  to  the 
King  out  of  the  Parliament  house,  that  a  beard- 
less boy  had  disappointed  all  his  purposes."  The 
Court,  in  fact,  had  to  be  contented  with  a  grant  of 
£20,000  for  each  demand,  of  which  £10,000  was 
remitted.  This  is  the  story  told  by  Roper.  But 
there  seems  reason  to  suppose  that  he  has  made 
1  Roper,  p.  7. 


EARLY  LIFE  25 

a  mistake,  and  has  either  confused  the  Parliament 
of  1504  with  the  great  Council  of  1488  or  Parliament 
of  1489,  or  refers  to  some  debate  in  a  Council  still 
later,  not  relating  to  a  demand  for  any  feudal  aid. 
At  any  rate  it  is  not  recorded  that  three  fifteenths 
were  demanded  in  1504,  or  that  there  was  any 
opposition  in  Parliament  on  a  monetary  question.1 

The  opposition — to  return  to  Roper's  story — was 
not  forgotten  or  forgiven.  The  King's  indignation 
could  not  vent  itself  on  Thomas  More,  "forasmuch 
as  he  nothing  having,  nothing  could  lose";  he 
therefore  revenged  himself  on  his  father,  who  was 
one  of  the  Commissioners  for  the  collection  of  the 
grant,  by  putting  him  in  the  Tower,  and  making 
him  pay  a  fine  of  £100.  Nor  was  the  matter  thus 
ended.  Bishop  Fox  of  Winchester,  the  Keeper  of 
the  Privy  Seal,  endeavoured  to  induce  Thomas 
More  to  confess  his  offence,  and  thus  become  amen- 
able to  punishment,  and  he  was  only  saved  by  a 
timely  warning  from  the  bishop's  chaplain.2 

To  this  year  also  belongs  a  most  interesting  record 
of  More's  private  life,  a  letter  to  Colet,  printed  by 

1  The  difficulties  of  the  question  are  considerable,  and  I 
cannot  consider  any  suggestion  that  has  yet  been  offered  as 
wholly  satisfactory.  Perhaps  the  clearest  statement  is  that 
of  Bishop  Stubbs  {Lectures  on  Medieval  and  Modem  History, 
p.  365)  :  "  The  story  that  Sir  Thomas  More  in  a  Parliament  in 
1502  prevented  the  Commons  from  granting  an  aid  for  the 
marriage  of  Margaret,  though  told  on  good  authority,  falls  to 
the  ground  for  the  good  reason  that  no  Parliament  was  held  in 
1502,  and  that  in  1504  the  grant  was  actually  made.  More 
probably  was  instrumental  in  limiting  the  sum."  But  Roper 
is  the  original  authority  for  the  statement,  and  he  does  not 
mention  the  year. 

2  Roper,  pp.  7,  8. 


26  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

Stapleton.1  We  learn  from  it  that  tlie  young  lawyer 
was  living  in  seclusion,  and  under  the  spiritual  direc- 
tion of  his  old  friend.  His  mind  was  disturbed  by 
temptation  and  anxiety :  at  one  moment  he  was 
determined  to  seek  refuge  in  the  cloister  :  at  the  next 
his  ambition  and  his  strong  social  sympathies  were 
predominant.  Of  this  state  of  mind  the  letter, 
written  in  October  1504,  gives  very  clear  indica- 
tion. A  short  extract  will  suffice :  "  What  is  there 
here  in  this  city  which  would  move  any  man  to 
live  well,  and  doth  not  rather  by  a  thousand  devices 
draw  him  back,  and  with  as  many  allurements 
swallow  him  up  in  all  manner  of  wickedness  who 
of  himself  were  otherwise  well  disposed,  and  doth 
endeavour  accordingly  to  climb  up  the  painful 
hill  of  Virtue  ?  Whithersoever  that  any  man 
cometh,  what  can  he  find  but  fained  love  and 
the  honey-poison  of  venomous  flattery?  In  one 
place  he  shall  find  cruel  hatred,  in  another  hear 
nothing  but  quarrels  and  suits.  Whithersoever  we 
cast  our  eyes,  what  can  we  see  but  victualling-houses, 
fishmongers,  butchers,  cooks,  pudding-makers,  fishers 
or  fowlers,  who  minister  matter  to  our  bellies  and 
set  forward  the  service  of  the  world  and  the  prince 
thereof  and  devil  ?  Yea,  the  houses  themselves,2  I 
know  not  how,  do  deprive  us  of  a  great  part  of  our 
sight  of  Heaven,  so  as  the  height  of  our  buildings 
and  not  the  circle  of  our  horizon  doth  limit  our 
prospect."     Then   after  speaking  of  the   simplicity 

1  Stapleton,  cap.  ii.  p.  163. 

2  A    significant  comparison  might  be  made   between   this 
passage  and  the  Utopia,  pp.  78,  79.     (Arber's  edition.) 


EARLY  LIFE  27 

of  the  country,  More  turns  to  the  difficulty  of  finding 
spiritual  instruction  skilful  enough  for  the  urban 
population.  "There  came  into  the  pulpit  at  S. 
Paul's  divers  men  that  promise  to  cure  the  diseases 
of  others ;  but  when  they  have  all  done,  and  made 
a  fair  and  goodly  discourse,  their  life  on  the  other 
side  doth  so  jar  with  their  saying  that  they  rather  in- 
crease than  assuage  the  griefs  of  their  hearers.  .  .  . 
But  if  such  a  man  be  accounted  by  learned  men 
most  fit  to  cure  in  whom  the  sick  man  hath  greatest 
hope,  who  doubteth  then  but  that  you  alone  are  the 
fittest  in  all  London  to  heal  their  maladies  whom 
every  one  is  willing  to  suffer  to  touch  their  wounds 
and  in  whom  what  confidence  every  one  hath  and  how 
ready  every  one  is  to  do  what  you  prescribe,  both  you 
have  heretofore  sufficiently  tried,  and  now  the  desire 
that  everybody  hath  of  your  speedy  return  may 
manifest  the  same.  ...  In  the  meanwhile,  I  pass  my 
time  with  Grocyn,  Linacre,  and  Lilly ;  the  first,  as 
you  know,  the  director  of  my  life  in  your  absence, 
the  second  the  master  of  my  studies,  and  the  third 
my  most  dear  companion.  Farewell :  and  love  me 
as  you  have  ever  done."     London,  October  21. 

To  the  perplexity  which  this  letter  suggests 
More  had  returned  to  his  old  Humanist  studies, 
and  his  final  decision  was  due  probably  in  equal 
proportions  to  the  living  example  of  Colet,  and 
to  the  direction  which  his  literary  interests  now 
happily  took.  It  is  absurd  to  assert  that  More 
was  disgusted  with  monastic  corruption — that  he 
"loathed  monks  as  a  disgrace  to  the  Church." 
He  was  throughout   his  life  a  warm  friend  of  the 


28  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

religious  orders,  and  a  devoted  admirer  of  the 
monastic  ideal.  He  condemned  the  vices  of  indi- 
viduals; he  said,  as  his  great-grandson  says,  "that  at 
that  time  religious  men  in  England  had  somewhat 
degenerated  from  their  ancient  strictness  and  fervour 
of  spirit " ;  but  there  is  not  the  slightest  sign  that  his 
decision  to  decline  the  monastic  life  was  due  in  the 
smallest  degree  to  a  distrust  of  the  system  or  a 
distaste  for  the  theology  of  the  Church. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  would  be  idle  to  deny  that 
More  turned  now  to  what  seemed  to  him  a  wider 
sphere,  and  that  he  was  profoundly  influenced  in 
his  choice  of  the  New  Learning  and  the  Humanism 
of  the  day.  The  cloister,  it  was  unquestionable,  did 
not  encourage  literary  pursuits.  No  one  laughed 
more  loudly  than  the  young  lawyer  at  the  Epistolae 
Obscurorum  Virorum.  He  knew  something  of  the 
miseries  Erasmus  had  endured  at  Stein.  At  the 
same  moment  he  was  allured  by  the  extraordinary 
attraction  of  the  Italian  scholar  life.  It  was  in  fact  not 
the  Reformation  but  the  Renaissance  which  took  More 
from  the  cloister.1  More  turned  then  from  the  life  of 
a  professed  religious  to  that  of  a  Christian  scholar 
and  man  of  the  world.  He  read  at  first  in  conjunction 
with  Lilly,  with  whom  he  translated  Greek  epigrams. 
He  wrote  also  "  certain  meters  for  the  boke  of 
Fortune   and   caused   them   to   be   printed   in   the 

1  Froude,  Life  and  Letters  of  Erasmus,  p.  97.  Mr.  Seehohm 
asserts,  most  unwarrantably,  so  far  as  I  can  see — and  I  believe 
I  have  read  all  the  Catholic  biographies,  certainly  all  the 
English  ones — that  "  More's  Catholic  biographers  have  acknow- 
ledged that  he  turned  in  disgust  from  the  impurity  of  the 
cloister." 


EARLY  LIFE  29 

begynnyng  of  that  boke." *  Of  these  the  following 
lines  in  his  description  of  the  fickle  divinity  may  well 
be  preserved — 

"  Fast  by  her  side  doth  weary  Labour  stand, 
Pale  Fear  also  and  Sorrow  all  bewept ; 
Disdain  and  Hatred  on  that  other  hand 
Eke  restless  watch  from  sleep  with  travail  kept ; 
His  eyes  drowsy  and  looking  as  he  slept. 
Before  her  standeth  Danger  and  Envy, 
Flattery,  Deceit,  Mischief,  and  Tyranny." 

It  is  impossible  to  read  the  lines  attentively 
without  being  reminded  of  some  picture  of  Botti- 
celli's. There  is  the  same  quaint  beauty  and  far- 
away suggestiveness  of  an  underlying  pathos.  More 
was  learning  to  understand  the  complexity  of  life 
and  struggling  to  embrace,  maybe,  all  its  many  and 
divergent  interests.  His  "Fortune"  is  like  Botti- 
celli's Calumny.  It  appeals  as  strangely,  and  as 
widely,  at  the  parting  of  two  ways  of  life. 

It  is  no  affectation  to  assume  that  More  at  this 
period  was  profoundly  influenced  by  the  Italian 
Renaissance.  It  is  certain  that  his  chief  interest 
during  these  years  was  reserved  for  the  works  of  Pico 
della  Mirandola,  to  which  he  had  been  about  this  time 
directed.  No  attraction  could  have  been  more  happy. 
From  the  narrowness  which  might  not  unnaturally 
have  arisen  from  the  severe  attention  which  he  had 
so  long  paid  to  the  study  of  the  law  and  from 
the  self-centred  religion  which  his  Carthusian  vigils 
had  fostered,  he  must  be  aroused  if  he  were  to  be  of 
the  real  service  to  his  country  for  which  his  eminent 
abilities   and   virtues   qualified  him.     But  to  wean 

1  Eng.  Works,  p.  v. 


30  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

More  from  the  purely  ascetic  and  studious  life  which 
possessed  such  great  attraction  for  his  lofty  spirit 
could  be  no  easy  task.  That  it  was  attempted  by 
Colet  is  very  probable,  for  we  know  that  he  advised 
More  to  marry.  But  the  ultimate  direction  of  the 
young  lawyer's  life  was  very  greatly  influenced  by 
the  life  and  writings  of  Pico.  No  example  could 
be  more  fitting.  In  that  fascinating  hero  of  the 
Renaissance  there  was  every  beauty  to  attract,  every 
virtue  to  secure,  and  every  talent  to  confirm  the 
admiration  of  such  a  man  as  More.  In  him  no 
keen  eye  could  detect  the  subtle  flavour  of  a  Pagan 
life.  Nor  was  his  Christianity  cold,  unsympathetic, 
or  unreal.  His  abilities  were  remarkable  even 
among  his  contemporaries,  and  his  energy  and 
devotion  were  as  extraordinary.  The  whole  story 
of  his  life,  of  its  fair  hopes,  bitter  disappoint- 
ments, and  calm  peaceful  ending,  sounds  like  one 
of  the  poetic  legends  which  the  fancy  of  the  age 
so  freely  created  and  cherished.  In  him  men 
might  seem  to  see  the  Tannhaiiser  whose  fond  and 
fickle  passion  for  the  Pagan  goddess  had  vanished 
in  the  glorious  dawn  of  Christianity.  A  young  man, 
"  of  feature  and  shape  seemly  and  beauteous,  of 
stature  goodly  and  high,  of  flesh  tender  and  soft, 
his  visage  lovely  and  fair,  his  colour  white  inter- 
mingled with  comely  reds,  his  eyes  grey  and  quick 
of  look,  his  teeth  white  and  even,  his  hair  yellow  and 
not  too  picked"1 — so  More  describes  him  in  his 
quaint  translation  of  Gian  Francesco's  biography. 
"  Nature,"  said  Poliziano,2  "  seemed  to  have  showered 

1  English  Works,  p.  3. 

2  Quoted  by  Symoiids,  Revival  of  Learning,  p.  329. 


EARLY  LIFE  31 

on  this  man,  or  hero,  all  her  gifts.  He  was  tall  and 
finely  moulded;  from  his  face  a  something  of  divinity 
shone  forth.  Acute,  and  gifted  with  prodigious 
memory,  in  his  studies  he  was  indefatigable,  in  his 
style  perspicuous  and  eloquent.  You  could  not  say 
whether  his  talents  or  his  moral  qualities  conferred 
on  him  the  greater  lustre." 

Pico  indeed  fills  a  unique,  if  not  a  large,  space  in 
the  history  of  the  Renaissance.  Learned  like  the 
ablest  of  his  contemporaries  in  the  classical  languages, 
he  was  almost  alone  in  making  some  claim  to  be  an 
Orientalist,  for  he  studied  Hebrew,  Arabic,  and 
Chaldee.  The  favourite  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  he 
was  also  the  friend  and  disciple  of  Savonarola,  and 
in  that  age  of  strong  temptations,  intellectual  and 
sensual,  he  had  the  wisdom  to  refuse  the  evil  and 
choose  the  good.  He  combined  in  a  remarkable 
degree  the  charm  and  the  address  of  a  man  of  the 
world  with  the  studious  devotion  of  a  man  of  letters. 
"  I  desire  you,"  he  wrote  to  Andrea  Corneo,  "  not  so 
to  embrace  Martha  that  you  should  utterly  forsake 
Mary.  Love  them  and  use  them  both,  as  well  study 
as  worldly  occupation."  Lorenzo  had  no  courtier 
more  courtly  than  he,  yet  he  was  always  a  bookworm 
at  heart.  His  nephew  says  of  him,  at  the  time 
when  he  was  most  earnestly  given  to  religion,  that — 

"  He  said  once  that  whatsoever  should  happen, 
fell  there  never  so  great  misadventure,  he  could 
never,  as  him  thought,  be  moved  to  wrath,  but  if 
his  chests  perished  in  which  his  books  lay  that  he 
had  with  great  travail  and  watch  compiled ;  but 
forasmuch  as  he  considered   that   he  laboured  only 


32  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

for  the  love  of  God  and  profit  of  His  Church  and 
that  he  had  dedicate  unto  Him  all  his  works,  his 
studies,  and  his  doings,  and  sith  he  saw  that  sith 
God  is  almighty  they  could  not  miscarry  but  if  it 
were  either  by  His  commandment  or  by  His  suffer- 
ance, he  verily  trusted  sith  God  is  all  good  that 
He  would  not  suffer  him  to  have  that  occasion  of 
heaviness." 

His  curious  learning  was  put  to  a  curious  use. 
He  clung  passionately  to  the  idea  of  the  unity  of 
knowledge,  the  unity  of  truth.  Thus  he  gave 
himself  to  an  attempt  to  reconcile  Platonic,  neo- 
PJ  atonic,  and  neo-Pythagorean  opinions  with  Christi- 
anity. The  difficulty  of  explaining  the  extraordinary 
complications  into  which  Pico's  strange  jumble  of 
erudition  led  him  is  very  considerable.  Confused 
he  certainly  was  by  his  linguistic  and  cabalistic 
vagaries  ;  but  heretical,  so  far  as  he  can  be  understood, 
he  was  not.  He  died  at  peace  with  the  Church,  and 
was  buried  in  a  Dominican  habit  in  Savonarola's 
own  San  Marco,  where  the  plain  marble  tablet  that 
records  his  virtues  and  his  fame  may  still  be  seen. 
It  is  rather  from  the  writings  of  others,  and  es- 
pecially from  the  touching  little  biography  which 
More  translated,  little  from  his  own  books  or  the 
somewhat  prim  portrait  in  the  Ufflzi,1  that  we  learn 
his  mental  and  physical  semblance.  Almost  all 
those  who  write  about  him  dwell  upon  his  rare 
physical  beauty.  It  was  the  special  goodness  of  God, 
they  say,  that  kept  him  pure  in  his  later  life.     He 

1  This  picture,  long  believed  to  be  that  of  Pico,  seems  now 
to  be  asserted  with  authority  to  be  that  of  one  of  the  Medici. 


EARLY  LIFE  33 

was  born,  indeed,  to  be  above  sensual  temptations ; 
his  mind  was  essentially  that  of  a  mystic,  and, 
having  once  tasted  the  joys  of  the  spiritual  life, 
lie  could  never  abandon  them.  There  is  much  in 
his  sayings  and  doings  that  reminds  one  of  Molinos 
and  his  followers — 

"  Of  outward  observances,"  says  his  nephew,  Gian 
Francesco,  "  he  gave  no  very  great  force — we  speak 
not  of  those  observances  which  the  Church  com- 
mandeth  to  be  observed,  for  in  those  he  was  diligent, 
but  we  speak  of  those  ceremonies  which  folk  bring 
up,  setting  the  very  service  of  God  aside,  which  is, 
as  Christ  saith,  to  be  worshipped  in  spirit  and  in 
truth.  But  in  the  inward  affects  of  the  mind  he 
cleaved  to  God  with  very  fervent  love  and  devotion." 

And  worthy  of  Pascal  are  those  famous  words  of 
his  to  Poliziano — 

"Love  God,  while  we  be  in  this  body,  we  rather 
may  than  either  know  Him  or  by  speech  utter  Him : 
and  yet  had  we  rather  alway  by  knowledge  never 
find  the  thing  that  we  seek  than  by  love  possess  the 
thing  which  also  without  love  were  in  vain  found." 

Typical  as  Pico  was  of  the  best  side  of  the  Italian 
Renaissance,  no  better  influence  could  have  touched 
More  at  the  turning-point  of  his  life,  and  his  transla- 
tion of  the  biography,  with  the  letters  and  poems, 
marks  a  definite  influence  on  the  life  of  the  English 
statesman.  He  was  engaged  on  it,  there  seems  no 
doubt,  at  the  very  time  when  he  abandoned  the  idea 
of  becoming  a  Carthusian  and  decided  to  live  in  the 
world,  a  student,  a  lawyer,  a  man  of  affairs,  but 
always   before   all    things   a   Christian.     More   had 

D 


34  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

assimilated  a  great  deal  of  the  Italian  culture  of  his 
age  without  adopting  its  vices.  He  was  an  "  Italian- 
ate  Englishman  "  in  a  different  sense  fom  that  which 
the  expression  bore  fifty  years  after  his  death.  He 
had  a  genuine  love  of  learning  for  its  own  sake  and 
was  a  strenuous  champion  of  the  Greek  as  well  as 
the  Latin  classics.  He  was  himself  already  well 
acquainted  with  the  chief  savants  and  litterateurs  of 
Europe,  and  his  introduction  of  Pico  to  the  English 
reader  was  probably  undertaken  with  the  intention 
of  making  England  alive  to  the  importance  of  the 
movement  in  Italian  thought,  as  well  as  of  showing 
how  the  progress  of  learning  and  inquiry  was 
intimately  bound  up  in  the  noblest  lives  with 
religion. 

There  is  much  similarity  between  Pico  and  More. 
Both  were  keen  classical  scholars,  tinged  with  the 
mysticism  of  Renaissance  imaginings,  men  of  wide 
human  interests,  bent  on  bringing  the  Divine  Spirit 
into  every  sphere  of  human  thought.  What  has 
been  said  with  such  fine  clearness  of  Pico's  position 
is  almost  equally  true  of  More's — 

"  This  high  dignity  of  man " — which  was  the 
characteristic  belief  of  both  Italian  and  Englishman 
in  the  revival  of  learning — "  thus  bringing  the  dust 
under  his  feet  into  sensible  communion  with  the 
thoughts  and  affections  of  the  angels,  was  supposed 
to  belong  to  him,  not  as  renewed  by  a  religious 
system,  but  by  his  own  natural  right ;  and  it  was  a 
counterpoise  to  the  increasing  tendency  of  medieval 
religion  to  depreciate  man's  nature,  to  sacrifice  this 
or  that   element  in  it,  to   keep  the   degrading   or 


EARLY  LIFE  35 

painful  accidents  of  it  always  in  view.  It  helped 
man  onward  to  that  reassertion  of  himself,  that 
rehabilitation  of  human  nature,  the  body,  the  senses, 
the  heart,  the  intelligence,  which  the  Renaissance 
fulfils." 

Like  the  Italian  Humanist,  More  was  penetrated 
with  the  sense  of  the  beauty  and  the  mystery  of 
life.  Rich  colours  and  the  strange  recesses  of  occult 
investigation,  the  quaintness  of  old  world  learning, 
and  the  pure  human  beauty  of  classic  ideals  of 
literature  and  art,  the  thrilling  chords  of  music  and 
the  simple  innocence  of  animal  life,  the  triumph  of 
self-sacrifice,  the  joys  of  friendship  and  of  love, 
the  thoughts  of  Plato  and  the  divine  mysteries  of  the 
Christian  religion,  appealed  each  in  their  turn  to  his 
sensitive  consciousness,  and  ascetic  though  he  was 
his  inner  contemplation  never  blinded  him  to  the 
loveliness  of  human  life.  Pico  was  as  far  removed 
from  the  ignorant  bigotry  satirized  in  the  Letters 
of  obscure  men  as  from  the  scarce  veiled  Paganism 
of  many  disciples  of  the  New  Learning.  To  him  it 
did  not  seem  that  Christianity  was  less  true  because 
Paganism  was  so  beautiful,  and  the  same  thought 
was  never  absent  from  the  mind  of  More. 

The  kinship  of  soul  was  natural.  Powerfully  in- 
fluenced himself  by  the  story  of  Pico's  life,  it  was 
natural  that  More  should  desire  to  share  the  benefit 
with  others.  He  accordingly  published  a  translation 
of  the  life  and  Works,1  which  he  dedicated  as  a  New 

1  "  The  Life  of  John  Picus,  Earl  of  Mirandula,  a  great 
Lorde  of  Italy,  an  excellent  connyng  man  in  all  sciences,  and 
vertuous  of  liuing :  with  divers  Epistles  and  other  workes  of 
y°  sayd    John    Picus,    full    of    greate    science,   vertue  and 


36  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

Year's  gift  to  his  "right  entirely  beloved  sister  in 
Christ  Joyeuce  Leigh." 

The  life  begins  with  mention  of  the  noble  ancestry 
of  Pico,  and  passes  on  to  his  extraordinary  aptitude 
for  study,  reaching  its  chief  interest  with  the  chapter 
on  his  famous  challenge  at  Rome.  "  There  nine 
hundred  questions  he  proposed  of  diverse  and  sundry 
matters,  as  well  in  logic  and  philosophy  as  in  divinity, 
with  great  study  picked  and  sought  out  as  well  of 
the  Latin  authors  as  of  the  Greeks;  and  partly  set 
out  of  the  secret  mysteries  of  the  Hebrews,  Chaldees, 
and  Arabies,  and  many  things  drawn  out  of  the  old 
obscure  philosophy  of  Pythagoras,  Trismegistus,  and 
Orpheus,  and  many  other  things  strange  to  all  folk 
(except  right  few  special  excellent  men),  before  that 
day  not  unknown  only  but  also  unheard."  The  story 
then  tells  how  disappointment  and  failure  attended 
this  hardy  challenger,  and  how  he  was  led  to  think 
more  especially  of  the  religious  life  than  he  had  yet 
done  :  how  he  burned  five  books  of  love-verses,  "  with 
other  like  fantasies  he  had  made  in  his  vulgar 
tongue  " :  how  he  studied  the  sacred  Scriptures  and 
gave  himself  to  prayer  and  almsgiving,  purposing  to 
walk  from  town  to  town,  crucifix  in  hand,  preaching 
Christ;  how  he  died,  and  how  the  holy  friar 
Savonarola  glorified  his  memory.  To  this  simple 
story  were  added   two  letters   to   his  nephew  Gian 


wisedome  :  whose  life  and  woorkes  bene  worthy  and  digne  to 
be  read,  and  often  to  be  had  in  memory.  Translated  out  of 
Latin  into  Englishe  by  Maister  Thomas  More,"  occupies  pp. 
1 — 34  in  More's  English  Works.  It  has  also  been  edited  by 
Mr.  J.  M.  Rigg,  London,  1890. 


EARLY  LIFE  37 

Francesco  Pico,  and  one  to  his  famous  merchant 
friend,  Andrea  Corneo,  marked  by  a  strange  spiritual 
beauty.  There  is  also  a  meditation  on  Psalm  xvi., 
and  renderings  of  some  of  Pico's  religious  poetry. 
Quotations  from  these  have  been  given  by  Mr. 
Seebohm  in  his  Oxford  Reformers:  they  are  interest- 
ing rather  as  illustrating  the  character  of  Pico  than 
that  of  More.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  spirit 
of  piety  which  they  breathe  was  as  natural  to  the 
Englishman  as  to  the  Italian. 

To  the  firm  independent  tone  which  marks  the 
whole  volume  has  been  attributed,  perhaps  with 
truth,  the  step  that  More  now  took.  He  aban- 
doned the  idea  of  a  monastic  life,  and,  in  1505,  he 
married. 

The  tale  of  his  courtship  as  told  by  his  son-in-law 
is  peculiar,  but  characteristic  both  of  the  times  and 
of  the  man.1  It  seems  that  Master  John  Colt,  of 
the  Essex  family  of  that  name,2  having  (as  Roper 
significantly  remarks)  three  daughters,  often  invited 
him  to  his  house,  New  Hall.  More  thought  the 
second  daughter  the  "  fairest  and  best  favoured,"  and 
would  gladly  have  made  her  his  wife,  but  when  he 
thought  of  the  slight  that  might  seem  to  be  thrown 
upon  her  elder  sister  by  the  choice,  he  "  of  a  certain 
pity  framed  his  fancy  towards  her,  and  soon  after- 
wards married  her."  Whatever  may  be  truth  of  this 
story,  there  is  no  doubt  that  More  was  devotedly 

1  Roper,  p.  6  ;  Ores.  More,  p.  29. 

2  I  may  be  permitted  here  to  refer  to  the  valuable  and  com- 
plete History  and  Genealogy  of  the  Colts  (Edinburgh,  1887),  by 
my  brother-in-law,  the  present  head  of  the  family. 


38  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

attached  to  his  wife,  and  lived  most  happily  with 
her.  Erasmus,  writing  some  years  after  her  death, 
says  that  she  was  quite  young,  and  that  More  had 
her  taught  various  kinds  of  learning,  and  especially 
music.  "  His  affection  "  —  Father  Bridgett  very 
prettily  notes  in  his  Life  of  More, 1 — "  is  shown  by  one 
little  word  in  his  own  epitaph,  composed  more  than 
twenty  years  after  her  death.  He  calls  her  More's 
dear  little  wife  (uxorcida  Ifori)."  She  was  not  his 
first  love.  As  a  boy  of  sixteen  he  fell  in  love.  He 
was  but  a  poor  scholar. 

"Then  the  duenna  and  the  guarded  door 
Baffled  the  stars  and  bade  us  meet  no  more." 

A  quarter  of  a  century  later  they  met  again,  in 
1519,  and  More  wrote  some  pretty  verses. 

On  his  marriage  he  took  a  house  in  Bucklersbury, 
to  be  near  his  father.  For  the  next  few  years  we 
have  only  scattered  notices  of  his  life.  He  was 
evidently  still  studying  and  practising  the  Law. 
Erasmus  seems  to  have  visited  him  towards  the 
end  of  the  year  1505,2  to  have  found  him  writing 
Latin  epigrams,  and  to  have  written  with  him  a 
declamation  in  the  style  of  Lucian.  The  visit,  how- 
ever, was  not  a  long  one,  and  though  More  was 
surrounded  by  his  friends,  Colet,  Grocyn,  Lilly,  and 
Linacre,  he  was  by  no  means  safe  from  the  King's 
resentment.  He  had  even  serious  thoughts  of 
flight,3  and  apparently  did  visit  Paris  and  Lou  vain.4 


1  Page  54.  2  Erasm.  Epp.  x.  30.  3  Roper,  p.  8. 

4  Ep.  ad  Dorpium. 


EARLY  LIFE  39 

Meanwhile  several  children  were  born  to  him  : 
three  daughters,  Margaret,  Elizabeth,  and  Cicely : 
and  lastly,  in  1509,  his  son  John.  In  this  year 
the  clouds  which  had  overhung  More's  course  dis- 
persed, and  on  the  accession  of  Henry  VIII.  he 
sprang,  almost  at  one  bound,  into  fame. 


CHAPTER   II. 

HOME  AND   FRIENDS. 

"  Vidisti  ne  unquam  hoc  horto  quidquam  amoenius  ?  Vix 
opinor  in  insulis  Fortunatis  esse  quidquam  jucundius. 
Plane  mihi  videor  videre  paradisum." — Erasmus,  Colloq. 
Symposium. 

The  accession  of  Henry  VIII.  may  not  unjustly  be 
considered  a  decisive  epoch.  As  far  as  such  arbi- 
trary divisions  are  ever  satisfactory,  it  may  seem 
to  us  now  to  have  marked  in  England  the  end  of 
what  we  call  the  Middle  Ages,  and  the  first  distinct 
indication  of  the  rise  of  the  modern  framework 
of  society.  Whatever  be  the  value  we  may  attach 
to  modern  statements  of  this  kind,  we  cannot  fail 
to  recognize  the  fact  that  to  the  Englishmen  of 
that  age  the  year  1509  appeared  undoubtedly  to 
be  the  beginning  of  a  new  era.  The  country  seemed 
to  cast  her  nighted  colour  off,  to  awake  from  the 
sullen  torpor  in  which  she  had  watched  the  harsh 
avarice  of  the  old  King's  declining  years.  All  had 
been  repression,  and  national  policy  had  spoken 
only  through  the  monarch ;  public  feeling  finding 
no  congenial  expression  had  been'heard  but  as  a 
stifled   undercurrent   of  complaint.      Now   all   was 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  41 

changed.  The  King  was  young  and  gallant,  the 
representative  of  all  the  interests  and  thoughts  of 
the  nation.  The  daring  spirit  of  adventure  and 
excitement,  which  was  still  as  much  that  of  the 
knight-errant  as  that  of  the  explorer ;  the  delight  in 
luxury,  in  rich,  oriental,  imaginative  grandeur ;  the 
wide  social  and  literary  interests  of  the  time, — were 
all  reflected  in  Henry  VIII.  He  was,  in  fact,  at  his 
accession,  as  prominent  a  figure  in  England's  Renais- 
sance as  he  afterwards  became  in  her  Reformation. 
All  that  spoke  of  the  past  gloom  was  removed. 
Empson  and  Dudley  were  hastily  destroyed  by  a  form 
of  justice,  with  the  spirit  of  which  the  new  King 
could  hardly  have  been  in  harmony.  For  ecclesiastics 
and  lawyers  the  new  Court  substituted  gallants  and 
noblemen.  And,  for  the  first  two  years  of  the  reign 
at  least,  King  and  people  alike  gave  themselves  up  to 
enjoyment.  The  fairest  hopes  surrounded  the  new 
King;  hopes  of  which  More's  congratulatory  verses 
on  the  accession  are  the  scarcely  extravagant  ex- 
pression. The  young  barrister  joined  in  the  chorus 
of  joy  which  greeted  Henry  VIII.,  and  commemo- 
rated the  coronation  in  several  Latin  poems.  Of 
these  the  carmen  gratulatorium 1  presented  to  the 
King  himself  is  the  longest  and  most  important. 
It  is  introduced  by  a  skilful  explanation  of  the  delay 
which  occurred  in  its  presentation.  The  artist  who 
was  to  have  illustrated  it  has  been  ill,  More  says; 
but  his  neglect  is  after  all,  perhaps,  of  no  conse- 
quence, for  so  joyful  an  event  must  remain  ever  fresh 

1  Latin  Works  (edit.  Louvain,  1569),  p.  21. 


42  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

in  men's  memories.  The  poem  itself  contains  several 
characteristic  passages,  including  no  obscure  reference 
to  the  tyranny  of  Henry  VII.  The  following  is 
More's  description  of  the  new  King. 

"  Tanta  tibi  est  majestatis  reverentia  sacrae, 

Virtutes  merito  quam  peperere  tuae. 
Quae  tibi  sunt  fuerant  patrum  quacunque  tuorum, 

Secula  prisca  quibus  nil  habuere  prius. 
Est  tibi  namque  tui  princeps  prudentia  patris 

Estque  tibi  matris  dextra  benigna  tuae. 
Est  tibi  mens  aviae,  mens  religiosa  paterna, 

Est  tibi  materni  nobile  pectus  avi. 
Quid  mirum  ergo  novo  si  gaudeat  Anglia  more 

Cum  qualis  nunquam  rexerat  ante  regat  ? " 

It  has  been  remarked  that  prudence  is  the  sole 
virtue  with  which  Henry  VII.,  in  a  somewhat 
emphatic  manner,  is  credited.  The  Queen  Katherine 
has  her  full  share  in  the  compliments  of  the  ode. 
She  is  compared  to  Cornelia,  Tanaquil,  Alcestis,  and 
Penelope.  The  birth  of  a  son  is  foretold  ;  but  the 
succession  is  regarded  as  already  strong,  in  the  pre- 
sence of  a  nobility  rejoiced  at  recovering  their  glory 
"nomen  inane  diu" — and  of  unshackled  trade.  The 
conclusion  of  the  dedication  shows  the  feeling  of  the 
whole  composition.  "  Vale,  princeps  illustrissime,  et, 
qui  nobis  ac  rarus  regum  titulus  est,  amantissime." 

Other  poems  of  More's  describe  the  splendour  of  the 
coronation,  when  the  gorgeous  procession  was  blessed 
both  by  Phoebus  and  "  Jovis  uxor,"  and  the  tourna- 
ments passed  off  without  any  disaster.  Two  poems 
also  describe,  one  the  union  of  the  two  roses  in 
Henry  VIII.,  the  other  the  beginning  of  the  golden 
age.     The  latter  gives  so  characteristic  an  example 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  43 

of  the  style  of  More's  Latin  poems,  that  it  may 
well  be  quoted — 

Ad  Regan. 

"Cuncta  Plato  cecinit  tempos  quae  proferat  ullum, 

Saepe  fuisse  olirn,  saepe  aHquando  fore. 
Ver  fugit  ut  celeri,  celerique  revertitur  anno, 

Bruma  pari  ut  spacio  quae  fuit  ante,  redit. 
Sic,  inquit,  rapidi  post  longa  volumina  co3li 

Cuncta  per  innumeros  sunt  reditura  vices. 
Aurea  prima  sata  est  aetas,  argentea  post  hanc. 

^Erea  post  illam,  ferrea  nuper  erat. 
Aurea  te,  princeps,  redierunt  principe  saecla 

O  possit  vater  hactenus  esse  Plato." 

The  exaggeration  which  some  writers  consider  to  be 
too  apparent  in  the  whole  series  of  verses  may  well 
be  excused  by  the  consideration  that  the  accession  of 
Henry  VIII.  was  a  personal  relief  to  More,  as  well  as 
a  national  joy.  The  cloud  which  had  hung  over  him 
was  removed ;  and  nothing  now  interfered  with  his 
prospects  of  success.  Ere  long  he  began  his  public 
career.  Before  we  follow  him  into  his  political  life 
it  may  be  well  to  collect  the  many  notices  in  the 
biographies  and  letters  which  touch  upon  his  personal 
appearance,  his  home,  his  friends — and,  abandoning 
a  strictly  chronological  progress,  to  examine  the  more 
famous  of  his  literary  works.  By  this  arrangement  a 
certain  connection  of  idea  is  obtained,  which  would 
otherwise  of  necessity  be  sacrificed. 

Cresacre  More  gives  a  description  of  his  grand- 
father's appearance  derived  from  that  of  Erasmus, 
but  the  original  is  clearer  and  more  precise.  With 
it  may  well  be  compared  that  of  Harpsfield,  and  the 
whole  must  be  read  in  the  light  of  Holbein's  famous 


44  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

portraits.1  He  was  of  middle  height  and  well-propor- 
tioned figure,  save  that  through  his  habit  of  much 
writing,  his  right  shoulder  became  higher  than  his 
left.  His  limbs  were  well  formed,  but  his  hands  were 
a  little  clumsy — the  pictures  generally  conceal  them. 
His  colour  was  pale,  heightened  only  by  a  faint 
bloom ;  his  hair  dark-brown.  His  eyes  were  grey 
and  speckled,  "  which,"  says  Erasmus,  "  as  a  mark  of 
genius  are  much  admired  in  England."  His  expres- 
sion, as  can  well  be  understood  from  Holbein's 
masterly  representation,  was  keen  and  inquiring,  but 
entirely  gentle  and  kind.  "  His  voice  was  neither 
boisterous  nor  big ;  nor  yet  too  small  and  shrill ; 
he  spake  his  words  very  distinctly,  without  any 
manner  of  hastiness  or  stuttering ;  and,  albeit  he 
delighted  in  all  kinds  of  melody,  he  seemed  not 
of  his  own  nature  to  be  apt  to  sing  himself." 2 
He  was  intensely  humorous.  Yet  "  whatsoever  jest 
he  brought  forth,  he  never  laughed  at  any  himself, 
but  spoke  always  so  sadly  that  few  could  see  by  his 
look  whether  he  spoke  in  earnest  or  in  jest."  3  He 
was  careless,  as  men  of  quick  humour  often  are,  about 
his  attire.  He  wore  his  gown  awry,  a  habit  which 
Ascham  tells  us  was  imitated  by  succeeding  barris- 
ters.4 He  wore  no  silk  or  purple  or  chains  of  gold 
except  when   he  could   not  avoid   it : 5   he  left   the 

1  Ores.  More,  p.  281  ;  Erasm.  Ejjp.  x.  30 ;  Wordsworth's 
Eccl.  Biog.  ii.  p.  229. 

2  Yet  like  many  who  have  "no  vocal  talents,"  he  delighted 
to  sing  in  choir. 

3  Ores.  More,  p.  179;  cf.  Pace,  I)e  Fructil   Doctrinae   (ed 
1517),  p.  82. 

4  Walter,  Life  of  More,  p.  373.  5  Erasm.  Epp.  x.  30. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  45 

direction  of  his  wardrobe  entirely  in  the  hands  of 
one  of  his  servants,  whom  he  would  call  his  "  tutor."  l 
He  cared  as  little  about  his  food  as  about  his  dress. 
He  rarely  ate  of  more  than  one  dish,  though  in  the 
time  of  his  wealth  his  table  was  always  well  pro- 
vided 2 ;  and  he  preferred  vegetables,  milk,  or  eggs. 
He  generally  drank  water ;  sometimes,  to  please 
others,  very  small  beer  ;  and,  when  it  was  necessary 
to  drink  a  guest's  health,  a  little  wine.  He  was 
never  a  strong  man,  but  was  able  to  go  through  his 
work  well  until  a  short  time  before  his  imprison- 
ment. His  temperament  was  calm  and  equable  :  of 
his  remarkable  presence  of  mind  a  curious  anecdote 
has  been  told.  One  day  as  he  was  meditating  on 
the  leads  of  his  gatehouse  at  Chelsea,  a  madman 
who  had  managed  to  follow  him,  seized  and  at- 
tempted to  hurl  him  over  the  battlements.  More> 
encumbered  by  his  gown,  and  unable  to  struggle 
with  the  strong  man,  bethought  him  of  a  happy 
expedient.  His  little  dog  was  with  him — "  Stay," 
he  cried,  "  let  us  throw  the  dog  down  first,  and  see 
what  sport  that  will  be."  The  madman  left  hold 
of  him  and  tossed  the  dog  over.  "  This  is  fine 
sport,"  said  More,  "let  us  fetch  him  up  and  try  it 
again."  Then,  as  the  madman  went  down  the  stairs, 
More  fastened  the  door  and  cried  for  help.3 

He  was  an  assiduous  student  and  a  fluent  talker. 
His  humour  was  suited  to  all  kinds  of  society,  but 
especially,  says  Erasmus,  to  that  of  ladies.  He  was 
charitable  to  a  remarkable  degree :  one  of  his  bio- 

1  Cres.  More,  p.  27.  2  Ibid.  p.  26. 

3  Seward's  Anecdotes,  vol.  iv.  p.  111. 


46  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

graph ers  calls  him  "  the  public  patron  of  the  poor."  * 
Not  only  did  he  invite  his  poor  neighbours  to  his 
table,  and  hire  a  house  at  Chelsea  for  use  as  an 
hospital  where  he  maintained  many  aged,  sick,  and 
indigent  people  at  his  own  cost,  but  he  would  go 
privately  among  the  poor  and  aid  them  by  advice  and 
liberal  alms,  "not  by  the  penny  or  halfpenny,  but 
sometimes  five,  ten,  twenty,  thirty,  forty  shillings, 
according  to  every  one's  necessity."  He  was  greatly 
interested  in  natural  history,  and  bought  every  strange 
creature  from  foreign  lands  that  he  could  find.  There 
was  hardly  any  species  of  bird  that  he  had  not,  says 
Harpsfield.  "  He  kept  an  Ape,  a  Fox,  a  Wesill,  a 
Feritt,  and  other  beasts  more  rare.  If  there  had  been 
anie  strange  thing  brought  out  of  other  countries  and 
worthie  to  be  looked  upon,  he  was  desirous  to  buie 
it ;  and  all  this  was  to  the  contentation  and  pleasure 
of  such  as  came  to  him ;  and  himself  now  and  then 
would  make  his  recreation  in  beholding  them." 2 
The  story  which  Erasmus  tells  of  his  animals  is 
famous.  As  one  reads  the  passage  in  the  colloquy 
de  Amicitia  one  can  imagine  the  grave  smile  of 
the  great  scholar  as  he  saw  the  ape  save  the  tame 
rabbits  from  the  weasel — "  ex  quo  perspicuum  hoc 
animantium  genus  simiis  esse  carum.  Ipsi  cuniculi 
non  intelligebant  suum  periculum  ;  sed  hostem  suum 
per  cancellam  osculabantur.  Simis  opitulatus  est 
pericli  tanti  simplicitati."  3 

1  The  Anonym.  Life,  printed  by  Wordsworth,  Eccl.  Biog. 
ii.  85. 

2  Wordsworth,  Ecclesiastical  Biography,  ii.  230. 

3  Golloq.  Amicitia,  p.  529.   The  ape  also  appears  in  Holbein's 
picture. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  47 

Like  many  other  naturalists,  he  was  very  severe 
in  his  condemnation  of  hunting.  Several  of  his 
epigrams  contain  stinging  reflections  on  those  who 
find  their  pleasure  in  it,  and  the  Utopia  contains 
perhaps  the  strongest  indictment  of  field  sport  that 
an  Englishman  ever  wrote.  "All  this  exercise  of 
hunting,  as  a  thing  unworthy  to  be  used  of  free  men, 
the  Utopians  have  rejected  to  their  butchers,  to 
which  craft,  as  we  said  before,  they  appoint  their 
bondmen.  For  they  count  hunting  the  lowest,  the 
vilest,  and  the  most  abject  part  of  butchery,  and 
the  other  part  of  it  more  profitable  and  more  honest, 
as  bringing  much  more  commodity  in  that  they  kill 
beasts  only  for  necessity.  Whereas  the  hunter 
seeketh  nothing  but  pleasure  of  the  silly  and  woful 
beasts'  slaughter  and  murder.  The  which  pleasure 
in  beholding  death  they  think  doth  rise  in  the  very 
beasts,  either  of  a  cruel  affection,  or  else  to  be 
changed  in  continuance  of  time  into  cruelty,  by  long- 
use  of  so  cruel  a  pleasure." l 

Second  only  to  More's  love  of  animals  was  his 
passion  for  music.  Like  Erasmus,  he  is  painted 
by  Holbein  with  a  glass  of  flowers  near  him;  but 
more  especially  "  Klavikordi  und  ander  seyten  Spill 
uf  ein  Bretz."  2     He  took  care  that   his  first  wife 

1  To  More'a  love  of  animals  a  very  interesting  note  has  been 
furnished  me  by  a  friend  in  which  the  likeness  between  the 
Chancellor  and  one  of  his  descendants — the  famous  Charles 
Waterton  (by  the  marriage  of  Charles  "Waterton  to  Anne 
More,  c.  1720,  eighth  in  descent  from  Sir  Thomas)  —  is 
suggested. 

*  MS.  note  of  Holbein's  on  the  Basle  sketch  of  the  picture 
of  More's  family. 


48  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

should  become  an  accomplished  musician,  and  he 
induced  his  second  to  learn  to  play  on  several  instru- 
ments. For  music,  as  he  says  in  the  Utopia} 
though  it  neither  actually  gives  pleasure  to  any 
member  of  the  body  nor  removes  pain,  "neverthe- 
less tickleth  and  moveth  our  senses  with  a  certain 
secret  efficacy,  and  with  a  manifest  motion  turneth 
them  to  it."  2  He  cared  for  few  other  amusements, 
hating  dice,  tennis,  and  other  games.3  One  of  the 
traits  which  his  biographers  seem  to  have  passed  over 
is  referred  to  in  a  letter  of  Erasmus — his  fondness 
for  the  sea.4 

Such  was  More  as  his  friends  saw  him  in  his 
prosperity.  Of  his  conduct  in  sorrow,  before  the 
days  of  affliction  closed  around  him,  two  instances, 
too  touching  to  be  forgotten,  are  happily  preserved. 
When  the  terrible  sweating  sickness  had  slain  thou- 
sands in  England,  and  the  King  and  Wolsey  were 
flying  from  place  to  place,  to  keep,  if  possible,  out 
of  the  hands  of  Death,  More's  daughter,  Margaret 
Roper,  whom  he  loved  most  of  all  his  children, 
was  stricken  with  the  fearful  plague,  "  so  that  both 
physicians  and  all  others  despaired  of  her  re- 
covery." More  "as  he  that  most  entirely  tended 
her,  being  in  no  small  heaviness  for  her,  by  prayer 
at  God  His  hands  sought  to  get  remedy,  where- 
upon  after   his   usual   manner    going   up   into   his 

1  Utopia,  p.  113,  R.  Robinson's  trans. 

2  Erasm .  Epp.  x.  30. 

3  More  was  no  indifferent  musician  himself.  Pace,  De  Fructu 
Doctrinae,  p.  53. 

4  Erasm.  Epp.  App.  183  (Ley den  edition  of  Works,  vol.  iii. 
pt.  2). 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  49 

new  Lodging,  there  in  his  chapel  upon  his  knees 
most  devoutly  besought  Almighty  God  that  it  should 
like  His  goodness,  unto  Whom  nothing  was  im- 
possible, if  it  were  His  blessed  will,  to  vouchsafe 
graciously  to  hear  his  petition." 1  And,  as  they 
believed,  his  prayer  was  heard,  and  she  was  "  miracu- 
lously recovered,  whom  if  it  had  pleased  God  at  that 
time  to  take  to  His  mercy,  her  father  said  he  would 
never  have  meddled  with  worldly  matters  after." 

In  a  lesser  grief  the  same  spirit  of  deep  spiritual 
trust  is  evident.  The  occasion  was  on  More's  return 
from  his  second  embassy  to  the  Netherlands,  in 
1529.  He  had  not  been  able  to  go  home  to  his 
family,  but  was  obliged  to  go  straight  to  Court, 
where  he  learnt  that  a  severe  misfortune  had  hap- 
pened to  his  household  at  Chelsea,  and  thereupon 
wrote  to  his  wife  the  most  simple  and  beautiful, 
perhaps,  of  all  his  letters.  "  Mistress  Alice  : — In  my 
most  hearty  wise  I  recommend  me  to  you.  And 
whereas  I  am  informed  by  my  son  Heron  of  the  loss 
of  our  barns  and  of  our  neighbours  also,  with  all  the 
corn  that  was  therein ;  albeit,  saving  God's  pleasure 
it  is  a  great  pity  of  so  much  good  corn  lost,  yet, 
as  it  hath  liked  Him  to  send  us  such  a  chance, 
we  must  and  are  bounden  not  only  to  be  content 
but  also  to  be  glad  of  this  visitation.  He  sent  us 
all  we  have  lost;  and  since  He  hath  by  such  a 
chance  taken  it  away  again,  His  pleasure  be  fulfilled. 
Let  us  never  grudge  thereat,  but  take  it  in  good 
worth,  and  heartily  thank  Him  as  well  for  adversity 
as  for  prosperity.     And  peradventure  we  have  more 

1  Eloper,  p.  18. 

E 


50  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

cause  to  thank  Him  for  our  loss  than  for  our  winning, 
for  His  wisdom  better  seeth  what  is  good  for  us 
than  we  do  ourselves.  Therefore,  I  pray  you,  be 
of  good  cheer,  and  take  all  the  household  with  you 
to  church  and  there  thank  God  both  for  what  He 
hath  given  us,  and  for  that  which  He  hath  taken 
from  us,  and  for  that  which  He  hath  left  us,  which, 
if  it  please  Him,  He  can  increase  when  He  will; 
and  if  it  please  Him  to  leave  us  yet  less,  as  His 
pleasure  be  it.  I  pray  you  to  make  good  onsearch 
what  my  poor  neighbours  have  lost,  and  bid  them 
take  no  thought  therefor ;  for  if  I  should  not  have 
myself  a  spoon  there  shall  be  no  poor  neighbours 
of  mine  bear  less  by  any  chance  happened  in  my 
house.  I  pray  you  be,  with  my  children  and  your 
household,  merry  in  God  :  and  devise  somewhat  with 
your  friends  what  way  were  best  to  take  for  pro- 
vision to  be  made  for  corn  for  our  household,  and 
for  seed  this  year  coming,  if  we  think  it  good  that 
we  keep  the  land  still  in  our  hands.  And  whether 
we  think  it  good  that  we  shall  do  so  or  not,  yet 
I  think  it  were  not  best  suddenly  thus  to  give  it 
all  up,  and  to  put  away  our  folk  from  our  farm 
till  we  have  somewhat  advised  us  thereon.  Howbeit 
if  we  have  more  now  than  we  shall  need,  and  which 
can  get  them  other  masters,  ye  may  then  discharge 
us  of  them ;  but  I  would  not  that  any  man  were 
suddenly  sent  away,  he  wot  not  whither.  At  my 
coming  hither  I  perceived  none  other  than  that 
I  should  have  to  abide  the  King's  grace :  but  now 
I  shall,  I  think,  because  of  this  chance,  get  leave 
to  come   home   and  see  you ;    and   then   we   shall 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  51 

further  devise  together  upon  all  things,  what  order 
shall  be  best  to  take.  And  thus  as  heartily  fare 
you  well,  with  all  our  children,  as  ye  can  wish. — 
At  Woodstock,  the  third  day  of  September,  by  the 
hand  of  Thomas  More."  x 

It  was  natural  that  the  household  of  such  a  man 
should  be  a  marvel  of  order  and  happiness.    All  who 
saw  it  united  in  praise,  and  to  their  admiration  we 
owe  a  more  minute  knowledge  of  the  daily  life  of 
More's  family  than   can  be  obtained  of  any  other 
household  of  the  time.      The  two   guiding   princi- 
ples of  the  domestic  life  were  religion  and  learning. 
He  rose  early,  Stapleton  says  at  two  in  the  morning, 
and  was  at  prayer  and  study  till  seven.     Every  day 
he,  after  private  prayer  with  his  children,  said  the 
Litanies  of  the  Saints  and  the  Seven   Penitential 
Psalms ;  and  never  did  he  omit  to  hear  mass.    Every 
evening  he  had  a  short  service,  which  all  the  house- 
hold attended,  in  his  chapel.     He  was  not  satisfied, 
however,  with  this :  he  always  retained  his  love  for 
seclusion  in  religious  exercises.     After  he  had  lived 
a  while  at  Chelsea  he  built  a  chapel,  library,  and 
gallery,  apart  from  his  house,  where  he  studied  and 
prayed    alone,    and    where    on    Fridays    he    usually 
remained  the  whole  day.     He  undertook  no  business 
of  importance  without,  after  confession,  receiving  the 
Holy  Sacrament.     He  enforced  the  meaning  of  his 
example  by  constant  exhortation.     He  would  often 
say  to  his  wife  and  children,  "  We  may  not  look  at 
our  pleasure  to  go  to  Heaven  in  feather-beds :  it  is 
not  the  way.     For  our  Lord  Himself  went  thither 
1  Eng.  Works,  p.  1419. 


52  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

with  great  pain  and  many  tribulations,  which  is  the 
path  wherein   He   walked   there,  and   the   servant 
may  not  look  to  be  in  better  case  than  his  master,"  * 
and  that  he  may  well  be  admitted  to  Heaven  who 
is  very  desirous  of  seeing  God ; 2  but  that  he  that 
hath  no  such  desire  shall  never  gain   admittance. 
Roper  tells  how  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  coming  one 
day   to   see   his  father-in-law,   when   he  was   Lord 
Chancellor,  found  him  in  church,  in  a  surplice,  sing- 
ing among  the  choir.     And  "as  they  went  home 
together   arm   in   arm,   the   Duke   said,   '  Godbody, 
Godbody,  my   Lord   Chancellor,   a   parish   clerk,   a 
parish  clerk,  you  do  dishonour  the  King  and  his 
office.'     '  Nay,'  quoth  Sir  Thomas,  smiling  upon  the 
Duke,  'your  grace  may  not  think  that  the  King, 
your  master   and   mine,  will  with   me   for   serving 
God,  his  Master,  be  offended,  or  thereby  count  his 
office  dishonoured.' " 3     He  would  often  also  carry 
the  cross  in  the  customary  religious  processions,  and 
when  advised  during  the  lengthy  progress  at  Roga- 
tion-tide to  ride  on  account  of  his  age  and  dignity, 
he  answered  that  it  beseemed  not  the  servant  to 
follow  his  Master  on   horseback  when   his   Master 
had  gone  on  foot.4 

Such  humility  was  natural  to  him,  and  he  wras  as 
stern  to  himself  in  private  as  he  was  humble  abroad. 
He  ever  wore  a  hair  shirt,  which  only  his  confessor 
and  his  wife  and  daughter  Margaret  knew  of,  till 
one  clay  his  daughter-in-law,  a  girl  of  a  very  different 
spirit,  discovered  the  secret.     "  It  pained  his  flesh," 

1  Roper,  p.  17.  2  Cres.  More,  p.  108. 

3  Roper,  p.  30.  4  St.ipleton,  cap.  vi.  p.  22L 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  53 

says  his  confessor,  "till  the  blood  was  seen  in  his 
clothes." x  Stern  to  himself,  he  was  yet  of  a 
deeply  loving  nature — a  man  certainly  very  lovable 
and  human,  with  keen  and  wide  interests,  and  a 
gentle,  kindly  heart.  The  trifles  of  Court  observ- 
ance were  irksome  to  him.  "  It  is  wonderful  how 
negligent  he  is,"  wrote  Erasmus  in  1519,  "as  regards 
all  the  ceremonious  forms  in  which  most  men 
make  politeness  to  consist.  He  does  not  require 
them  from  others,  nor  is  he  anxious  to  use  them 
himself  in  conversation  or  in  feastings,  though  he 
is  not  ignorant  of  their  use.  But  he  thinks  it 
unmanly  to  spend  much  time  in  such  trifling. 
Once  he  was  most  adverse  to  attendance  at  Court, 
fur  he  hates  tyrants,2  and  he  loves  equality.  It 
was  only  with  much  trouble  that  he  was  drawn 
to  King  Henry's  Court,  though  nothing  more  gentle 
and  unassuming  than  that  King  can  be  wished  for. 
By  nature  he  is  fond  of  freedom  and  of  leisure ;  yet 
though  he  enjoys  leisure,  no  one  is  more  watchful 
and  patient  when  business  demands."  3 

His  first  wife,  whom  there  is  little  doubt — 
whether  we  accept  the  description  of  a  good  woman 
in  his  Latin  poems4  as  applying  to  her  or  not — 
that  he  devotedly  loved,  died  about  six  years  after 
her  marriage,  and  in  a  very  short  time  the  needs 
of  his  motherless  children  induced  him  to   marry 

1  See  the  letter  discovered  in  the  Public  Record  Office  and 
published  by  Mr.  James  Gairdner  in  the  English  Historical 
lievietv,  Oct.  1892  :  and  Wordsworth's  Eccl.  Biogr.  ii.  82. 

2  One  thinks  of  the  many  epigrams  in  tyrannos. 

3  Erasm.  Epp.  x.  30. 

*  To  Oandidw,  Epigrams,  ed.  1520,  pp.  59 — 63. 


54  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

asfain.1  Within  a  month  from  her  burial  he  came 
late  on  a  Sunday  night  to  his  confessor,  bringing  a 
dispensation  to  be  married  next  day  "without  any 
banns  asking."  2  His  second  wife  was  a  widow  named 
Alice  Middleton,  whom  he  jestingly  said  was  "  nee 
bella  nee  puella."  3  It  was  reported  that  he  had 
wooed  her  at  first  for  a  friend,  and  had  married  her 
rather  at  her  suggestion  than  by  his  own  desire. 
"  No  husband,"  said  Erasmus,  "  ever  gained  from  his 
wife  by  authority  and  severity  so  much  obedience  as 
More  won  by  gentleness  and  pleasantry." 4  Several 
of  the  letters  of  his  friends  contain  complimentary 
references  to  her.  Ammonius,  Latin  secretary  to 
Henry  VIII.,  who  was  intimate  both  with  More  and 
Erasmus,  writes  to  the  latter  in  1515,  "Morus  noster 
melitissimus  cum  sua  facillima  conjuge,  quae  nun- 
quam  tui  meminit  quin  tibi  bene  precetur,  et  liberis 
ac  universa  familia  pulcherime  valet."  5 

Two  years  later  More  says  to  Erasmus,  "  My  wife 
desires  a  million  compliments,  especially  for  your 
careful  wish  that  she  should  live  many  years.  She 
says  she  is  the  more  anxious  for  this  as  she  will 
have  the  longer  to  plague  me." 6  Again,  Erasmus, 
ridiculing,  in  1518,  the  contemplated  war  against 
the  Turks,  with  the  Papal  ordinances  thereon — 
"prohibet  Pontifex  ne  uxores  absentium  in  bello 
donii  voluptuentur,  sed  abstineant  a  cultus  elegantia, 

1  "  Within  two  or  three  years,"  Cres.  More,  p.  32.  "Within 
a  few  months,"  Erasm.  Epp.  x.  30. 

2  English  Historical  Review,  vii.  14  (as  above). 

3  Erasm.  Epp.  Ibid.  i  Ibid. 
5  Letters  and  Papers,  Henry  VIII.  (Brewer),  vol.  ii.  477. 

0  15  Dec.  1517:  Erasm.  Epp.  App.  221.  (Leyden  edit,  of 
Works,  vol.  iii.  pt.  2.) 


•■ 


f$m~  ■ 


)>'k\   More 
(son  of  s1k  thomas  more). 

From  the  drawing  by  Holbein. 


To  face  page  _>_>". 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  55 

ne  utantur  sericis,  auro,  aut  gemmis  aliis,  fucuni 
nullum  attiiigant,  vinum  ne  bibant,  jejunent  alternis 
diebus" — says,  jokingly,  that  More's  wife  is  so  good 
that  she  would  gladly  obey  these  orders.  Dame 
Alice,  however,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  entirely 
amiable.  There  are  several  stories  recorded  by 
Roper  and  Cresacre  More  which  depict  her  as  a 
careful  but  irritable  housekeeper,  fond  of  show,  slow 
to  appreciate  her  husband's  wit,  and  too  little  in 
harmony  with  his  deep  spiritual  religion.  "  Yet 
she  proved  a  kind  and  careful  stepmother  to  his 
children," x  And  with  his  children  it  was  that 
More's  heart  lay. 

His  only  son,  John,  has  been  supposed  by  several 
writers  to  have  been  of  somewhat  weak  mind  or 
character.  Their  conjecture  has  the  support  of  a 
saying  of  Sir  Thomas,  that  his  mother  "  had  prayed 
so  long  for  a  boy  that  she  brought  forth  one  at  last 
that  would  be  a  boy  as  long  as  he  lived."  On 
the  other  hand,  his  face  in  Holbein's  portrait  is 
refined  and  intellectual,  and  he  is  represented  with 
a  book,  as  a  student.  In  one  of  his  father's  letters 
there  occurs  a  marked  commendation  of  his  dili- 
gence and  ability.2  "  My  son  John's  letter  pleaseth 
me  best,  both  because  it  was  longer  than  the  others, 
and  because  that  he  seems  to  me  to  have  taken  more 
pains  than  the  rest :  for  he  not  only  pointeth  at  the 
matter  becomingly  and  speaketh  elegantly,  but  he 
playeth  also  pleasantly  with  me  and  returneth  my  jests 
upon  me  again  very  wittily.     And  this  he  doth  not 

1  Ores.  More,  p.  32.  2  Stapleton,  x.  p.  258. 


56  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

only  pleasantly  but  temperately  withal,  showing  that 
he  is  mindful  with  whom  he  jesteth, — his  father, 
whom  he  endeavoureth  so  to  delight  that  he  is  also 
afraid  to  offend."  Erasmus,  too,  speaks  of  him  in 
complimentary  terms,  and  in  1531  dedicated  to  him 
a  translation  of  Aristotle.1  He  was  married  in  1519 
to  Anne  Cresacre,  daughter  and  heiress  of  Edward 
Cresacre  of  Barnborough,  Yorkshire,  a  ward  of  the 
King,2 — by  an  arrangement  usual  in  those  times. 
A  mistake,  however,  is  said  to  have  occurred  in  this 
selection,  and  it  has  been  conjectured  that  the 
damsel  whom  John  More  should  have  married  was 
one  of  the  four  co-heiresses  of  Sir  John  Dynham,  to 
whom  the  other  part  of  Barnborough  belonged.3 

More's  eldest  daughter,  Margaret,  was  remarkable 
both  for  learning  and  virtue.  References  to  her 
ability  are  constant  in  the  correspondence  of  the 
happier  years  of  her  father's  life,  and  the  memory  of 
her  devoted  attachment  is  indissolubly  linked  with 
the  sad  story  of  his  death.  She  married,  about  1520, 
William  Roper,  son  of  Sir  John  Roper,  a  protho- 
notary  of  the  King's  Bench,  and  "  a  man  of  good 
fortune  and  blameless  morals  and  with  an  inclina- 
tion to  learning,"  4  who  wrote  the  singularly  beauti- 
ful biography  which  has  been  frequently  referred  to. 
"  Margaret,"  says  Cresacre  More,  "  was  likest  her 
father  as  well  in  favour  as  in  wit."  5     Reginald  Pole 

1  Walter's  Life  of  More,  p.  56.  2  Ores.  More,  p.  31. 

3  Hunter,  preface  to  his  edit,  of  Ores.  More  :  q.  v.  also  for  a 
further  account  of  John  More.  See  also  the  list  of  his  children 
in  the  entries  in  his  book  of  Hours.  Auction  catalogue  of 
Books  of  Baron  v.  Druffel,  Munster,  1894. 

4  Stapleton,  cap.  v.  p.  118.  5  Ores.  More,  p.  139. 


HOME   AND   FRIENDS  57 

was  once  conversing  with  Sir  Thomas  when  he  received 
a  letter  from  her.  It  was  shown  to  the  brilliant 
young  scholar,  who  was  astonished  at  it,  and  pro- 
fessed himself  unable  to  believe  that  it  had  been 
the  unaided  composition  of  a  woman.1  The  Bishop 
of  Exeter  on  a  similar  occasion  was  equally  de- 
lighted.2 But  no  one  gave  her  praise  more 
judiciously  or  more  gladly  than  More  himself.3 

Elizabeth,  the  second  daughter,  married  a  Mr. 
Dauucey,  of  whom  we  hear  nothing  but  that  on  one 
occasion  he  complained  of  his  father-in-law,  when 
Chancellor,  showing  him  no  favour,  and  was  justly 
reproved.4  A  special  passage  in  Elizabeth's  praise 
occurs  in  one  of  More's  letters — "  I  take  joy  to  hear 
that  my  daughter  Elizabeth  hath  shown  as  great 
modesty  in  her  mother's  absence  as  any  one  could  do 
if  she  had  been  present :  let  her  know  that  that  thing 
pleased  me  more  than  all  the  letters."  5 

Cicely,  the  youngest  daughter,  was  as  carefully 
taught  as  the  others.  She  married  Giles,  sun  and 
heir  of  Sir  John  Heron,  to  whom  Sir  Thomas  had 
been  appointed  guardian  by  the  King  in  1523  and 
1524.°  Giles  Heron  also  seems  to  have  expected 
countenance  in  an  unjust  suit  from  his  father-in- 
law,  but  to  have  been  met  by  a  "flat  decree  against 
him." 7 

We  have  a  charming  illustration  of  More's  affection 

1  Stapleton.  cap.  x.  p.  263  :  cap.  xi.  pp.  266,  267,  268,  etc. 

2  Roper,  p.  25.  3  Stapleton,  cap.  x.  p.  253. 
4  Roper,  p.  25.  5  Stapleton,  cap.  x.  p.  253. 

6  See  grants  dated  March  5,  1523,  and  May  8,  1524,  in 
Brewer,  L,:ll,:i-s  and  Papers,  Henry  VIIL,  vol.  iii.  2900; 
vol.  iv.  314.  7  Roper,  p.  25. 


58  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

for  his  children  in  his  poetical  epistle  to  them,1 
written  when  he  was  away  on  an  embassy.  We 
see  from  these  tender  verses  how  deeply  he  entered 
into  all  their  pleasures,  how  gladly  anticipated  their 
desires,  how  sorrowfully  reproved  their  faults. 

"  Ah  ferns  est,  dicique  pater  non  ille  meretur 
Qui  laclirymas  nati  non  fieat  ipse  sui." 

Besides  his  own  children  there  were  his  wife's 
daughter  Alice,  "  a  girl  of  great  beauty  and  talent,"  2 
who  married  the  son  of  Sir  Giles  Alington,  and  who 
was  devotedly  attached  to  her  stepfather,  and  an 
orphan  girl  named  Margaret  Griggs,  receiving  the 
same  education,  and  as  deeply  loved  by  More. 

For  instruction  there  were  always  learned  masters 
in  the  house  at  Chelsea.  At  first  there  was  a  little 
boy,  John  Clement,  whose  marvellous  proficiency  in 
study  is  noted  with  delight  in  the  earlier  letters 
between  More  and  Erasmus,3  and  who  afterwards 
married  Margaret  Gila's  and  became  a  learned 
physician  and  "  reader  of  the  phisicke-lecture  at 
Oxford."  To  him  succeeded  William  Gunnel,  a  Cam- 
bridge scholar  of  celebrity,  and  others  named  Drue, 
Nicholas,  and  Hart.  To  the  first  of  these  a  most 
interesting  letter  of  More's  has  been  preserved  by 
Stapleton,4  in  which  his  scheme  of  education  is 
drawn  out,  and  great  stress  laid  on  the  care  that 

1  Epigrammata  (2nd  edit.  Basil,  1520),  p.  110.  Seebohm, 
pp.  421,  422  ;  and  Philomorus. 

2  Erasmus,  Epp.  xvii.  16. 

3  Brewer,  ii.  1552  ;  Erasm.  Epp.  App.  52.  (Leyden  edit,  of 
Works,  vol.  iii.  pt.  2.)  See  also  Utopia,  p.  23,  and  Ores. 
More,  p.  126.  *  Cap.  x.  p.  253. 


HOME  AND   FRIENDS  59 

should  bo  taken  lost  the  children  should  become 
proud  of  their  learning  or  ability.  Of  Drue  and 
Nicholas  the  following  mention  occurs  in  another 
letter.1  "I  rejoice  that  Master  Drue  is  returned 
safe,  of  whose  safety  you  know  I  was  careful.  If  I 
loved  you  not  exceedingly  I  should  envy  this  your 
so  great  happiness,  to  have  had  so  many  great 
scholars  for  your  masters.  For  I  think  Master 
Nicholas  is  with  you  also,  and  that  you  have  learned 
of  him  much  Astronomy ;  so  that  I  hear  that  you 
have  proceeded  so  far  in  this  science  that  you  now 
know  not  only  the  pole-star,  the  dog,  and  such  like 
of  the  common  constellations,  but  also  —  which 
argueth  an  absolute  and  cunning  astronomer — the 
chief  planets  themselves ;  and  you  are  able  to  discern 
the  sun  from  the  moon." 

Besides  More's  children,  who  after  their  marriages 
still  lived  with  their  father  and  brought  up  their 
own  children  under  his  roof,  at  last  he  had  eleven 
grandchildren  to  form  a  new  "  school."  The  family 
included  also  his  father,  Sir  John  More,  who,  in 
1519,  married  a  third  wife,2  and  who  lived  in  full 
possession  of  his  faculties  and  in  active  discharge  of 
his  judicial  duties  till  1531.  Of  the  filial  reverence 
paid  to  him  by  his  son  many  anecdotes  are  told, 
of  which  the  most  famous  is  that  preserved  by 
Roper.3  "Whensoever  he  passed  through  West- 
minster Hall  to  his  place  in  the  Chancery,  by  the 
court  of  the  King's  Bench,  if  his  father,  one  of  the 
judges  there,  had  been  satte  ere  he  came,  he  would 

1  More  to  Us  whole  School,  Stapleton,  cap.  x.  p.  257. 

2  Erasra.  Epp.  x.  30.  3  Page  26. 


60  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

go  into  the  same  court  and  there  reverently  kneeling 
downe  in  the  sight  of  them  all  duely  aske  his  father's 
blessing." 

The  fullest  contemporary  description  of  this  happy 
household  is  the  famous  letter  of  Erasmus  to  Ulrich 
von  Hutten.  It  has  formed  the  groundwork  of  the 
pictures  of  all  the  biographers.  There  is  another 
letter  of  the  great  Dutch  scholar  to  the  learned 
French  humanist,  Budaeus,  which  is  not  so  frequently 
quoted.  A  passage  may  here  be  given  which 
has  an  interest  of  its  own  as  bearing  upon  the 
educational  movement  of  the  age.  "  It  has  been 
said  that  learning  is  unfavourable  to  common  sense. 
There  is  no  greater  reader  than  More,  and  yet  you 
will  not  find  a  man  who  is  more  complete  master 
of  all  his  faculties,  on  all  occasions,  and  with  all 
persons,  more  accessible,  more  ready  to  oblige,  more 
quick-witted  in  conversation,  or  who  combines  such 
true  prudence  with  such  agreeable  manners.  His 
influence  has  been  such  that  there  is  scarce  a 
nobleman  in  the  land  who  considers  his  children 
fit  for  their  rank  unless  they  have  been  well- 
educated,  and  learning  has  become  fashionable  at 
Court.  I  once  thought  with  others  that  learning 
was  quite  useless  to  the  female  sex.  More  has  quite 
changed  my  opinion.  .  .  .  Nor  do  I  see  why  hus- 
bands should  fear  lest  a  learned  wife  should  be  less 
obedient,  except  they  would  exact  from  their  wives 
what  should  not  be  exacted  from  honest  and  virtuous 
dames."  He  goes  on  to  talk  of  the  uselessness 
of  sermons  to  foolish  women,  and  adds  — "  More's 
daughters,  and  such  as  they,  can  form  an  opinion  on 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  61 

what  they  have  heard  and  discriminate  the  good 
from  the  bad."  He  concluded  with  an  anecdote — 
that  he  had  once  told  More  that  he  would  grieve 
with  greater  sorrow  if  he  lost  his  daughters  upon 
whom  he  had  bestowed  so  much  care,  and  was 
answered — "  If  they  are  to  die,  I  would  rather  they 
died  learned  than  ignorant."  * ' 

Among  More's  household  a  word  must  be  given  to 
the  "steward  and  the  fool.  John  Harris,  "  a  man  of 
good  understanding  and  judgment,  and  a  very  trusty 
servant,"2  was  often  consulted  by  More  "in  his 
greatest  affairs  and  studies."  Henry  Pattison,  the 
fool,  was  deeply  attached  to  his  master.  An  interest- 
ing passage  in  the  Utopia  well  illustrates  his  position 
in  More's  household.  "  They  [the  Utopians]  have 
singular  delight  and  pleasure  in  fools :  and  as  it  is 
a  great  reproach  to  do  any  of  them  hurt  or  injury, 
so  they  prohibit  not  to  take  pleasure  of  foolishness. 
For  that,  they  think,  doth  much  good  to  the  fools. 
And  if  any  man  be  so  sad  and  stern  that  he  cannot 
laugh  neither  at  their  words,  nor  at  their  deeds,  none 
of  them  be  committed  to  his  tuition ;  for  fear  lest 
he  should  not  entreat  them  gently  and  favourably 
enough,  to  whom  they  should  bring  no  delectation 
(for  other  goodness  in  them  is  none),  much  less  any 
profit  should  they  yield  him." 3  An  anecdote  of 
Pattison,  which  has  been  preserved  by  Ellis  Hey- 
wood,  shows  that  he  was  one  of  those  jesters  who 
owed  their  position  as  much  to  infirmity  as  wit. 
One  day  he  was  standing  by  the  table  when  More 

1  Erasm.  13pp.  xvii.  16;  Brewer,  iii.  1527. 

2  Cres.  More,  p.  27.  :!  Uloj>i<i,  p.  126. 


62  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

was  dining,  and,  noticing  that  one  of  the  guests  had 
a  remarkably  large  nose,  after  he  had  gazed  upon 
it  for  some  time,  suddenly  exclaimed — "What  a 
terrific  nose  that  gentleman  has  ! "  When  all  pre- 
tended not  to  hear  him,  Pattison  saw  that  he  had 
made  a  mistake,  and  tried  to  set  himself  right  by 
saying,  "  How  I  lied  in  my  throat  when  I  said  that 
that  gentleman's  nose  was  so  monstrously  large. 
On  the  faith  of  a  gentleman,  it  is  in  reality  rather 
a  small  one."  At  this  the  company  with  difficulty 
restrained  their  laughter,  and  More  made  signs  that 
the  fool  should  be  turned  out  of  the  room.  But 
Pattison,  who  had  a  great  opinion  of  his  own  powers 
of  bringing  everything  to  a  hapjDy  conclusion,  deter- 
mined to  recover  his  credit  by  a  great  effort,  placed 
himself  in  More's  seat  at  the  head  of  the  table,  and 
called  out — "  There  is  one  thing  I  would  have  you 
know — that  gentleman  has  not  the  least  atom  of  a 
nose."  1 

Erasmus  says  that  so  admirable  was  the  manage- 
ment of  the  household — for  no  idleness  was  allowed, 
but  some  worked  in  the  garden,  others  sang  or 
played  instruments,2  but  none  were  allowed  cards 
or  dice — so  careful  the  training,  "that  there  was 
happiness  fated  for  the  servants  of  that  house ;  none 
lived  but  in  better  estate  after  More's  death ;  none 
ever  was  touched  with  the  least  aspersion  of  any  evil 
fame."  3  Such  was  the  happy  household  which  had 
grown  up  around  More  in  his  home  at  Chelsea, 
whither  he  had   removed  from   Bucklersbury  after 

1  Ellis  Hey  wood,  H  Mora  (Florence,  1556),  pp.  52,  53. 

2  Cres.  More,  p.  91.  .  3  Stapleton,  cap.  ix.  p.  249. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  63 

his  first  wife's  death.  The  house  was  situated  about 
a  hundred  yards  from  the  Thames,  at  the  north  end 
of  Beaufort  Row,  and  remained  standing  for  more 
than  two  centuries  after  his  death,  until  it  was  at 
last  pulled  down  by  Sir  Hans  Sloane. 

Ellis  Heywood,  in  introducing  a  dialogue  on  the 
sources  of  happiness,  supposed  to  take  place  in  More's 
garden,  has  given  a  beautiful  description  of  the  scene 
and  of  the  man.1 

"  Along  the  banks  of  the  Thames  there  are  many 
fine  houses  and  castles  situated  in  beautiful  spots, 
in  one  of  which  dwelt  Sir  Thomas  More,  '  huomo 
per  la  sua  virtu  assai  conosciuto.'  It  was  a  splendid 
and  comfortable  residence,  and  to  this  place  it  was 
his  custom  to  retire  when  weary  of  the  city.  There, 
both  because  of  its  nearness  to  London  and  of  the 
admirable  character  of  its  owner,  men  distinguished 
for  wit  and  learning  who  dwelt  in  the  city  were 
accustomed  frequently  to  meet;  where  when  alone 
and  at  ease  they  would  enter  into  some  argument 
or  discourse  on  things  pertaining  to  human  life ; 
and,  since  each  used  as  he  could  his  intellect  and 
knowledge,  their  arguments  were  attended  with 
great  profit  to  each  other."  One  day  he  tells  us 
that  six  friends,  who  had  dined  with  More,  "retired 
after  dinner  into  the  garden,  distant  about  two 
stone-throws  from  the  house,  and  all  went  together 
to  stand  upon  a  small  green  mound.  .  .  .  From  one 
part  almost  the  whole  of  the  noble  city  of  London 
was  visible,  and  from  another  the  beautiful  Thames, 
with  green  meadows  and  wooded  hills  all  around." 
1  II  Moro,  p.  9,  et  seq. 


64  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

The  scene  too  "  had  a  charm  of  its  own.  It  was 
crowned  with  an  almost  perpetual  verdure,  and  had 
flowering  shrubs  and  the  branches  of  fruit  trees  that 
grew  near  interwoven  in  a  manner  so  beautiful  that 
it  seemed  like  a  living  tapestry  worked  by  Nature 
herself."  There  the  friends  discussed  in  true 
Renaissance  fashion  one  of  the  common  topics  of 
humanistic  inquiry. 

To  this  house  so  rare  in  beauty,  external  and 
spiritual,  there  were  naturally  many  visitors.  Never 
came  there  to  London  a  poor  student  from  Oxford 
or  Cambridge  but  he  was  sure  of  a  welcome  at 
Chelsea.  "Quern  ille  vel  mediocriter  eruditum  ab 
se  dimisit  indonatum  ? "  says  one  of  More's  friends. 
"Aut  quis  fuit  tam  alienus,  de  quo  non  studierit 
bene  mereri  ?  Multi  non  favent  nisi  suis,  Galli 
Gallis,  Germani  Germanis,  Scoti  Scotis:  at  ille  in 
Hybernos,  in  Germanos,  in  Gallos,  in  Scythas  et 
Indos  amico  fuit  animo."  1  And  besides  such  stray 
guests  there  were  the  old  and  tried  friends,  who, 
when  they  could  not  be  at  Chelsea,  preserved 
their  memory  of  More  by  constant  letters.  Erasmus, 
who  had  made  so  firm  a  friendship  with  him  in  his 
3routh,  loved  him  till  his  death.  He  had  spent 
several  weeks  in  the  house  at  Bucklersbury,  during 
the  first  year  of  More's  married  life.  There  he 
completed  that  biting  satire,  whose  punning  title 
was  to  be  a  remembrance  of  the  friend  who  sym- 
pathized so  warmly  with  its  method,  and  whose 
presence  was  to  the  author  "  more  sweet  than  any 

1  Epistola  fidelis  de  morte  Thomae  Mori.     Cf.  also  Roper, 
p.  13  ;  Ores.  More,  p.  59. 


HOME   AND   FRIENDS  65 

thing  in  life."  *  The  Encomium  Moriae  gives  a  very 
clear  insight  into  the  feelings  with  which  the 
purer  spirits  of  those  eventful  years  looked  upon 
the  confusion  of  the  world  in  which  they  lived.  As 
an  exposition  of  the  fears  and  the  aspirations  of  the 
two  friends  it  may  well  be  regarded  as  a  sportive 
prologue  to  the  more  serious  work  Utopia.  Its 
appearance  was  naturally  not  unnoticed  or  its 
matter  uncondemned  :  and  More  came  forward  to 
defend  it. 

It  was  a  happy  idea  to  send  Folly  abroad  with  her 
caps  and  bells  to  satirize  the  grossness  and  the  ignor- 
ance that  wise  men  .noted  and  Popes  seemed  to  wink 
at.  It  was  the  first  attempt  of  the  new  humanism 
to  treat  the  absurdities  of  decadent  scholasticism  and 
decaying  religion  in  a  popular  style.  In  Moria 
Erasmus  spoke  ad  popwlvm?  as  in  the  Novum 
Instrujucatum,  four  years  later,3  he  spoke  ad  clerum. 
It  was  the  hasty  work  of  a  few  days'  writing,  and  the 
iron  was  red-hot  on  which  it  so  sharply  struck. 
Folly  is  the  mistress  and  teacher  of  the  world,  he 
cried  ;  and  most  of  all  she  dwells  among  philosophers 
and  theologians  and  monks.     She  is  never  so  much 

1  Preface  to  Encomium  Moriae. 

2  The  learned  writer  of  an  extremely  able  and  valuable 
article  in  the  Quarterly  Review,  January  1895,  states  that 
none  " of  Erasmus's  works"  appeal  adpopuktm.  But  1  think 
it  is  accurate  to  say  that  the  Moria  and  the  Colloquies  certainly 
appeal  to  a  wide  public. 

'■'-  Mr.  Fronde  states  wrongly  (Erasmus,  p.  122)  that  the 
Encomium  Moriae  "was  brought  out  almost  simultaneously 
with  an  edition  of  the  New  Testament."  Probably  he  was 
confusing  the  former  with  Erasmus's  edition  of  8.  Jerome. 
which  appeared  in  1516. 

F 


66  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

at  home  as  when  she  teaches  her  children  to  explain 
the  mysteries  of  faith  and  to  justify  the  practices  of 
superstition.  To  her  is  due  the  belief  in  the  miracu- 
lous working  of  images,  in  indulgences  as  bills  drawn 
upon  the  spiritual  treasury  of  the  Church,  in  the 
automatic  efficacy  of  vain  repetitions  of  sacred  offices. 
The  questions,  he  says,  that  belong  to  "  illuminated  " 
theologians  are  such  as  these — "Does  the  category 
of  time  belong  to  the  Divine  generation  ?  Is  there 
more  than  one  relation  of  filiation  in  Christ? 
Whether  the  proposition  God  the  Father  hates  the 
Son  can  be  maintained  ?  Whether  God  could  be 
hypostatically  united  to  a  woman,  the  devil,  an  ass, 
a  gourd,  a  flint  ? "  x  And  then  he  bitterly  adds,  "  no 
doubt  they  devoutly  consecrated  the  Eucharist," 
little  as  they  were  competent  to  define  the  doctrine. 
Nor  was  he  content  to  deal  with  generalities — monks 
in  their  ignorant  idleness,  friars  in  their  dirt  and 
buffoonery,  cardinals  in  their  avarice,  even  Pope 
Julius  II.  himself  in  his  mad  scheming  for  power,  all 
come  under  the  lash  of  Folly.  Not  only  obscurantism 
was  scourged,  but  every  form  of  spiritual  wickedness 
in  high  places.  And  who  could  answer  ?  Might  not 
Folly  speak,  and  should  wise  men  reply  ? 

It  was  a  masterly  book — and  its  strength  lay  not  a 
little  in  the  fact  that  it  was  an  appeal  from  a  be- 
sotted Theology  to  a  Religion  that  had  learnt  to  keep 
its  eyes  open,  and  from  the  false  scholasticism  to 
the  true.     It  was  certainly  not  intended  "to  turn 

1  I  venture  to  use,  with  a  slight  alteration,  the  translation 
of  this  passage  given  in  the  article  already  referred  to  in  the 
Quarterly  Bevieiv,  January  1895. 


HOME   AND  FRIENDS  67 

the  whole  existing  system  of  Theology  into  ridi- 
cule :" l  it  was  a  protest  on  behalf  of  that  system 
against  the  ignorance  of  those  who  professed  to 
interpret  it. 

Such,  very  briefly,  was  the  book  which  Erasmus 
wrote  in  More's  house.  It  was  the  fruit  of  their 
talks  together,  and  it  came  more  nearly  than  any- 
thing else  that  the  tAvo  friends  did  to  be  a  piece  of 
fellow-work.  Erasmus  wrote  it ;  More  defended  it 
— and  they  both  spoke  as  loyal  sons  of  the  Catholic 
Church.  And  the  rulers  of  the  Church  spoke  no 
word  of  condemnation.  Julius  himself  did  not  pro- 
test, and  his  successor,  Leo  X.,  spoke  of  the  book 
with  admiration  and  delight. 

The  work  of  Folly  ended,  the  two  friends  turned 
aside  to  more  serious  business — More  to  his  I/topi", 
and  Erasmus  to  S.  Jerome  and  the  New  Testament. 
In  the  former  the  great  Dutch  scholar  was  to  range 
himself  on  the  side  of  the  Fathers  in  the  questions 
that  were  soon  to  be  debated  by  the  world ;  in  the 
latter  he  was  to  appeal  to  the  critical  study  of  the 
Bible  as  the  one  true  basis  of  the  Church's  doctrine. 
Erasmus  did  not  give  the  Bible  to  an  ignorant  age. 
"  Popular  stories  of  the  Bible  being  unknown,  of  the 
total  indifference  of  the  friars  to  learning,  rest  like 
most  popular  stories  on  vulgar  credulity."  2  He  was 
attacked  not  because  he  revealed  mysteries  to  the 
vulgar,  but  because  of  his  audacity  in  attempting  to 
revise  the  Vulgate,  and  because  it  was  said  he  could 

1  Froude,  Erasmus,  p.  124. 

2  Brewer,  ltoj<pi  of  Henry  VIII.,  i.  287  ;  contrast  Fronde's 
Erasmus,  pp.  112,  113. 


68  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

neither  translate  nor  comment  with  accuracy  upon 
Holy  Writ.  Not  as  an  iconoclast,  but  as  the  father 
of  modern  exegesis,  it  was  that  he  needed,  and  found, 
a  defender  in  the  educated  orthodoxy  of  More. 

From  the  time  of  the  completion  of  the  Encomium 
Moriae  until  July  1514,  Erasmus  remained  in  Eng- 
land, and  the  friends  saw  each  other  constantly. 
Erasmus  was  principally  at  Cambridge;  and  be- 
tween him  and  More  several  interesting  letters 
passed.  In  December  1510,  we  find  an  epistle  from 
the  Dutch  to  the  English  scholar,  detailing  the  diffi- 
culties which  he  met  with  in  the  study  of  Greek 
from  the  ignorant  Masters  at  Cambridge,  and  urging 
the  English  humanist  to  throw  his  weight  into  the 
scale  in  favour  of  the  New  Learning.1 

Writing  in  August  1511,  to  Ammonius,  Erasmus 
complains  of  More's  negligent  correspondence,  but 
says  that  he  would  be  unreasonable  indeed  if  he 
did  not  pardon  him,  as  he  is  now  immersed  in  grave 
business.2  The  letters  of  this  year  show  also  the 
intimate  connexion  between  Ammonius,  whose  praise 
of  the  household  at  Chelsea  has  already  been  men- 
tioned, and  the  two  friends.  During  the  long  vacation 
of  1511,  while  Erasmus  was  in  London,  Ammonius 
was  staying  with  More,  and  there  was  much  re- 
gret that  they  chanced  to  miss  each  other,3  but 
the  scholar  hoped  to  meet  the  diplomatist  in 
January,  when  he  would  find  London  more  pleasant 
than  Cambridge.4  The  letters  of  the  same  period 
contain   constant    references    also   to   the   intimacy 

1  Erasm.  Epp.  vii.  15.  2  Ibid.  Epp.  viii.  1. 

3  Ibid.  viii.  2  ;  viii.  23.  4  Ibid.  viii.  7. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  69 

existing  between  Warham,  Fisher,  Colet — who  was 
then  busy  with  his  new  school — and  More.  For  a 
time  the  correspondence  almost  ceased.  More  was 
deep  in  business :  his  work  at  the  Bar  increased 
rapidly,  and  he  had  been  made  under-sheriff  of 
London.  He  was  being  slowly  drawn  too  into  the 
service  of  the  Court,  and  what  leisure  he  had  was 
given  to  the  composition  of  his  History  of  Richard 
III.,  and  afterwards  to  the  preparation  of  his  Utopia. 
After  a  while  the  circle  of  friends  gathered  again 
around  him,  as  after  his  second  marriage  he  removed 
to  Chelsea.  In  May  1515,  he  was  sent  on  a  mission 
to  Bruges,  which  will  be  mentioned  more  fully  in 
connexion  with  his  political  life.  Meanwhile  Eras- 
mus had  left  England,  and  had  been  deeply  engaged 
in  literary  work,  having  completed — besides  many 
books  of  very  different  sorts — his  great  Novum 
Testamcnkwi. 

More,  on  his  return  to  England,  at  the  successful 
termination  of  his  embassy,  wrote  to  him  in 
February  1516,1  complaining  that  he  had  only 
written  thrice  since  he  left  England.  "Were  I  to 
lie  with  most  solemn  countenance,"  he  continues, 
"  and  swear  I  had  replied  to  you  as  often,  it  is  ten  to 
one  you  would  not  believe  me ;  especially  as  you 
know  me  so  well,  how  idle  I  am  in  answering  letters, 
and  not  so  superstitiously  veracious  as  to  reckon 
every  white  lie  as  black  as  murder."  More's  return 
to  Court  is  mentioned  by  Ammonius  in  a  letter 
to  Erasmus  on  the  17th  of  the  same  month,2  and 
his  devotion  to  Wolsey  noticed.  Writing  a  few 
1  Brewer,  ii.  1512.  2  Ibid.  ii.  1551. 


70  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

days  later,  More  sent  £20  from  Warham,  perhaps 
in  answer  to  the  verses  which  he  had  addressed  to 
him  on  the  appearance  of  his  friend's  New  Testa- 
ment. The  archbishop,  said  More,  had  made  the 
great  work  possible  for  Erasmus. 

"  Hanc  petit  ille  sui  fructum,  Pater  alme,  laboris, 
Chains  ut  hoc  tu  sis  omnibus,  ille  tibi." 

In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  Erasmus  came  to 
England,  and  during  his  visit — he  was  staying  princi- 
pally with  Fisher  at  Rochester — constant  letters  of 
the  old  mirthful  style  passed  between  him  and  More. 
The  chief  part  of  the  Utopia  had  now  been  finished, 
and  the  first  or  introductory  portion  was  being 
prepared.  On  November  12,  Gerard  Bronchorst,  a 
scholar  of  Nimeguen,  wrote  to  Erasmus  that  he  had 
arranged  for  Thierry,  who  was  bringing  out  the 
Institutio  Principis  Christians,  to  publish  the  Utopia. 

It  appeared  at  the  end  of  1516,  and  at  once 
achieved  an  enormous  success.  More,  known  before 
to  a  wide  circle  of  friends  as  possessed  of  great 
talents,  became  a  man  of  European  fame.  Before 
three  months  had  passed,  a  new  edition  was  being 
thought  of.  On  March  1,  1517,  Erasmus  wrote  to 
More,  sending  him  Reuchlin's  works,  and  saying 
that  as  soon  as  the  MS.  had  been  revised  he  would 
send  it  to  Basle  or  Paris.1  It  was  decided  that  the 
second  edition  should  be  published  at  Basle;  and, 
on  August  25,  Erasmus  wrote  from  Louvain  to  the 
great  printer,  Froben,  sending  him  the  Utopia  and 
Epigrams,  with  a  warm  eulogy  of  More.  He  rejoices, 
1  Erasm.  Epp.  vii,  16. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  71 

says  the  letter,  to  see  the  high  opinion  he  always 
held  now  confirmed  by  all  the  learned.  What,  he 
adds,  might  not  this  great  genius,  now  overwhelmed 
by  political  and  domestic  cares,  have  accomplished 
had  he  been  educated  in  Italy,  or  devoted  himself 
entirely  to  letters  ? 1 

More  wrote  to  Erasmus  on  September  3,  sending 
a  revised  copy,  and  giving  suggestions  as  to  the 
contemplated  publication  of  his  ISpigra/ms.2  Mean- 
while a  second  edition  of  the  Utopia  had  been 
brought  out  at  Paris  by  Lupset,  with  an  eulogistic 
epistle  from  Budaeus;  and  the  Basle  edition  ap- 
peared in  November. 

On  October  7,  More  wrote  again  to  his  friend,3 
having  received  a  picture  of  Erasmus  and  Petrus 
iEgidius,  sent  him  by  the  latter,4  and  said  with  great 
simplicity  and  feeling,  that  if  there  was  one  thought 
of  ambition  in  his  mind  it  was  the  pleasure  he  felt 
in  knowing  that  his  name  would  always  hereafter 
be  associated  with  that  of  Erasmus.  The  corre- 
spondence was  now  constant ;  not  only  did  the  two 
friends  write  on  every  subject  of  interest,  but  More 
was  of  great  use  to  Erasmus  in  business  affairs, 
such  as  the  matter  of  his  pension  from  Warham, 
paid  through  the  banker  Maruffo.5 

At  the  beginning  of  1518,  Erasmus  utters  a 
plaintive  regret  that  More,  "  though  he  will  serve 

1  Brewer,  ii.  3627. 

2  Erasra.  Epp.  App.  174.  (Leyden  edit,  of  Works,  vol.  iii. 
pt.  2.)  3  Erasm.  Epp.  App.  193. 

4  See  his  verses  thereon  {Epigrams).     Brewer  suggests  that 
it  was  by  Quintin  Matsys. 
6  E.  (j.  Brewer,  ii.  2004  ;  ii.  23G7  ;  ii.  2409. 


72  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

the  best  of  kings,"  is,  by  his  employment  at  Court, 
lost  to  him  and  to  letters.1  The  fame  of  the  dis- 
coverer of  Utojrict  had  now  become  so  great  that  men 
were  anxious  to  hear  of  his  private  life,  and  in  July 
1519,  Erasmus  had  to  write  to  Ulrich  von  Hutten 
a  description  of  how  perfectly  the  ideal  state  was 
pictured  in  little  in  More's  household  at  Chelsea — 
a  letter  to  which  frequent  reference  has  already 
been  made.  At  the  same  time  More  was  defending 
his  friend  against  the  attacks  of  the  more  bigoted  and 
ignorant  of  the  clergy.  A  monk  had  written  to  him, 
warning  him  lest  he  should  be  corrupted  by  associ- 
ating with  the  contemner  of  the  Vulgate.  More 
immediately  replied.'2  He  would  be  indeed  ungrate- 
ful, he  said,  if  he  did  not  thank  his  correspondent 
who  dashes  over  rocks  and  precipices  at  the  imminent 
hazard  of  his  life  to  save  More  from  stumbling,  who 
is  leisurely  walking  in  perfeot  security  on  level 
ground. 

That  one  who  had  been  so  candid  should  become 
a  violent  partisan  was  indeed  a  wonder  to  the  gentle 
soul  of  More.3      The  monk  has  been  his  "dearest 

1  Erasm.  Epp.  App.  311.  (Leyden  edit,  of  Works,  vol.  iii. 
pt.  2.)  _ 

2  Epistolae  aliquot  eruditorum  virorum.  Basil,  1520,  pp. 
02 — 138.  Jortin's  Erasmus,  iii.  365  sgq.  See  also  Froude's 
Erasmus,  p.  135  sqq.,  an  extremely  inaccurate  version,  entirely 
altering  the  tone  of  More's  letter,  which  is  one  of  temperate 
and  friendly  remonstrance. 

3  It  need  hardly  be  said  that  More's  Latin  does  not  contain 
the  words,  "  Before  you  were  a  priest  you  had  candour  and 
charity  ;  now  that  you  have  become  a  monk  some  devil  has 
possession  of  you."  The  Latin  also  by  no  means  warrants  some 
of  the  worst  charges  that  Mr.  Froude  appears  to  make  More 
bring  against  monks. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  73 

friend,"  but  no  less  dear  was  Erasmus ;  and  the  cause 
of  truth,  with  which  his  great  work  seemed  to  be 
indissolubly  connected,  was  dearer  still.     It  is  clear 
that  More  felt  both  that  the  question  of  the  study  of 
Greek  was  vital  alike  to  Christianity  and  to  learning, 
and  also  that  the  enmity  of  the  monastic  clergy  to 
the  new  studies,  and  in  particular  to  Erasmus,  alike 
in  his  serious  and  in  his  satirical  writing,  was  based 
only   on   ignorance,  and    could    be    overcome    by    a 
temperate  and  intelligent  statement  of  the  case  from 
a  learned  and  Catholic  layman.     More,  throughout 
his  very  lengthy  letter,  argues  that  it  is  Erasmus  not 
his  opponents  who  represents  the  mind  of  the  Church, 
and  points  the  contrast  between  the  good  work  he 
was  doing  and  the  wickedness  of  those  who  distorted 
Scripture   and  those  who  used  the   rules   of  their 
orders  only  as  the  groundwork  of  debate  and  faction. 
A  friend  of  Erasmus  and   of  More  himself  in  his 
youth,  the  monk  who  received  this  appeal  may  well 
have  been  won  over  to  see  the  New  Learning  in  a 
new  light.     The  names  of  Colet,  Fisher,  Warham, 
Mountjoy,  Pace  and  Grocyn  —  representing  in  such 
different  stations  the  wide  influence  of  the  move- 
ment— may    well   have   brought    him   to   see   that 
Erasmus    was    the  friend,   not   the    enemy,  of  the 
Church.     And  so  More  leaves  him,  and  it  must  have 
been  in  sadness.     His  whole  tone  shows  the  intensity 
with  which    he  felt  the   brute  force  of  the   dense 
ignorance  with  which  the  Church  Reformers  had  to 
contend;  and  he  felt  it  most  when  he  wrote  this 
letter,    for    just    then    his    dear   friend,   the    most 
enthusiastic  and  impetuous,  yet  the  saintliest,  of  the 


74  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

new  party,  had  passed  away.  John  Colet  died  on 
September  15,  1519.  "  For  centuries,"  said  More, 
"  we  have  not  had  among  us  any  man  more  learned 
or  more  holy." 

More,  Colet,  and  Erasmus  had  felt  for  each  other 
as  perhaps  none  others  at  the  time  had  felt,  and 
their  characters  had  strengthened  each  other  where 
they  most  needed  support.  Colet's  holiness  had 
been  an  inspiration  to  Erasmus,  his  perfect  sanity 
of  judgment  a  wise  restraint  on  More.  Now  the  two 
friends  who  were  left  were  drawn  more  closely 
together  by  the  loss  of  him  they  loved. 

In  1520,  their  correspondence  was  chiefly  con- 
cerned with  the  testy  French  poet  Brixius,  and  we 
may  leave  the  mention  of  it  till  we  treat  of  the 
Epigrams  which  refer  to  him.  But  the  year  also 
served  to  turn  More's  thoughts  into  another  channel. 
He  was  forsaking  literature  for  politics,  and  the 
change  is  clearly  reflected  in  his  correspondence. 
Instead  of  weekly  or  monthly  letters  to  Erasmus,  he 
wrote  almost  daily  to  Wolsey.  Political  and  religious 
troubles  were  thickening  around  him,  and  he  was 
being  forced  into  practical  contact  with  those  great 
problems  which  in  the  Utopia  he  had  examined  from 
a  distance.  In  1525,  Erasmus  wrote  to  him  to 
make  up  some  quarrel  that  had  arisen  with  Poly- 
dore  "Vergil,  the  historian.1  At  last  More  broke  his 
silence,  and  writing  on  December  18,  1525,2  acknow- 

1  The  letter  is  lost,  but  that  of  Erasmus  to  Polydore  Vergil 
is  Epp.  p.  888. 

2  Erasm.  Epp.  App.  334.  (Leyden  edit,  of  Works,  vol.  iii. 
pt.  2.)     Brewer,  iv.  1826. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  75 

leered  that  he  had  left  several  letters  unanswered. 
Anxious  thoughts — the  progress  of  Lutheran  opinions 
and  the  King's  answer  to  the  heretic's  book,  the 
terrible  Bauerrikricg,  and  Erasmus's  own  illness — 
weighed  upon  him,  yet  he  did  not  forget  to  promise 
his  best  help  to  Holbein,  whom  his  friend  had 
recently  committed  to  his  charge.  Then  follows 
another  break  in  the  correspondence.  At  length,  in 
February  1528,1  Erasmus  wrote  to  More  speaking  of 
Henry  VIII.'s  request  to  him  to  return  to  England, 
but  complaining  that  there  wag  no  hope  of  peace 
but  in  the  grave.  The  new  development  of  Ana- 
baptist doctrines — more  widespread,  he  declares,  than 
any  one  conjectures — filled  him  with  horror.  In 
the  next  year  Erasmus  received  Holbein's  sketch 
for  the  picture  of  More's  family,  and  immediately 
wrote  to  Margaret  Roper  to  express  his  delight.2 
"  Methought,"  he  said,  "  I  saw  shining  through  this 
beautiful  household  a  soul  even  more  beautiful "  ; 
and  he  sent  the  warmest  messages  to  the  kinsfolk 
in  their  home. 

Then  another  pause  occurs.  More,  as  Chancellor, 
was  overweighted  with  work,  religious  and  secular, 
and  the  letters  to  his  friend,  so  constant  in  the 
happy,  peaceful  portion  of  his  life,  ceased  altogether. 
But  when  he  resigned  the  office  which  had  become 
daily  more  and  more  irksome  to  him,  he  at  once 
resumed  the  correspondence.  On  June  5,  1532, 
More  gave  up  the  great  seal  into  the  hands  of  the 
King;    two  days   later   he    wrote  to  tell  the   story 

1  Erasm.  Epp.  p.  1062.  (Leyden  edit,  of  Works,  vol.  iii.  pt.  2.) 
2  Ibid.  Epp.  p.  1232  {ibid.). 


76  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

to  Erasmus,1  rejoicing  in  being  freed  from  public 
affairs,  that  he  might  live  only  to  God  and  himself. 
Yet  even  then  he  thought  most  of  the  religious 
troubles,  and  his  letter  is  almost  entirely  taken  up 
with  fears  of  the  progress  of  heresy.  Erasmus  sent 
the  letter  to  John,  Bishop  of  Vienne,  with  a  high 
eulogium  of  the  writer.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
next  year  More  wrote  again,2  thanking  Erasmus 
for  two  letters,  expressing  his  joy  that  Cranmer, 
the  new  archbishop,  was  as  favourable  to  his  friend 
as  Warham  had  been,  and  dwelling  with  pathetic 
emphasis  on  the  bitterness  of  public  reports.  But 
"  so  long  as  God  approves  of  my  doings  I  do  not 
care  what  men  say,"  was  his  conclusion,  and  might 
well  be  the  motto  of  his  life.  The  misery  of  his 
last  days  was  now  upon  him ;  and  thus  in  silence 
the  well-tried  friendship  ended.  "  Men  can  neither 
speak  nor  hold  their  peace  without  danger,"  wrote 
Vives  to  Erasmus,  when  telling  him  of  More's  im- 
prisonment. Letters  passed  constantly  between  the 
great  foreign  scholar  and  his  English  friends.  To 
More  himself  it  was  dangerous  to  write,  but  in  his 
silence  Erasmus  thought  the  more  deeply ;  and  when 
at  length  More  fell  a  victim  to  the  King's  policy  and 
passion,  his  voice  was  the  keenest  and  most  bitter 
that  was  raised  in  execration  of  the  deed. 

The  intimate  and  long  -  continued  friendship 
between  More  and  Erasmus  is  a  significant  fact  in 
the  history  of  the  Reformation.     It  shows  that  in 

1  Erasm.  Epp.  p.  1856. 

2  Ibid.  Epp.  p.  1432.  (Leyden  edit,  of  Works,  vol.  iii. 
pt.  2.)     Stapleton,  c.  vii.  p.  231. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  77 

the  minds  of  the  clearest  thinkers  of  the  day  there 
was  no  necessary  opposition  between  Religion  and 
Humanism,  between  the  Catholic  Faith  and  the 
internal  reforms  which  the  Church's  organization 
was  everywhere  felt  to  need.  When  it  is  sought  to 
paint  More  as  a  convinced  and  constant  supporter 
of  the  whole  system  of  the  unreformed  Church  and 
the  medieval  Papacy,  it  can  only  be  by  ignoring  his 
consistent  friendship  with  the  sharpest  of  its  critics. 
He  knew  as  well  as  his  friend  the  stern  truth  of 
many  charges  against  monastic  discipline,  to  which 
Popes  themselves  listened  in  silence,  and  the  voice 
of  Moria  was  little  less  his  than  that  of  the  man 
who  actually  gave  it  to  the  world.  It  is  impossible 
to  read  M ore's  wri tings  with  an  unbiassed  mind 
without  feeling  that  he,  who  laid  down  his  life  for 
the  Church,  yet  felt  to  the  full  the  horror  and  the 
danger  of  her  corruptions.  His  satires  against 
worldliness  and  ignorance  among  the  clergy  are  as 
keen  as  those  of  Erasmus,  if  they  are  less  numerous. 
Yet  he  died  in  persistent  opposition  to  a  Lutheran 
or  an  Erastian  Revolution.  Was  he  inconsistent  ? 
Erasmus  did  not  think  so.  Together  they  had 
thought,  in  mirth  and  yet  half  tearfully,  of  the 
wounds  the  Church  was  receiving  in  the  house  of 
her  friends,  and,  when  death  came  to  one  of  them, 
in  heart  they  were  not  divided.  "Erasmus,  my 
darling,"  said  his  life-long  friend,  "  is  my  dear  darling 
still." 

Next  to  this  classic  friendship,  More  owed  most  to 
the  companionship  of  Colet.  When  they  both  lived 
in  London  they  often  met — and   thus  few  traces  of 


78  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

their  connexion,  which  their  letters  might  have  given, 
are  preserved.  More  aided  Colet  in  the  founding  of 
his  school  by  advice  and  inquiry.  Little  more  do 
we  know  of  their  common  work.  Theirs  was  a 
peaceful  friendship,  into  which  no  disturbing  element 
entered,  for  Colet  died  before  More  had  been  drawn 
into  the  troubles  of  the  time. 

Among  other  scholars  whose  friendship  More  had 
first  known  at  Oxford,  we  find  occasional  reference 
in  his  later  life  to  Grocyn,  Lilly,  whom  Colet  sought 
as  master  of  his  school,  and  Linacre,  and  a  few 
humorous  notices  of  William  Latimer. 

Warham  was  a  friend  rather  of  Erasmus  than  of 
More,  but  the  latter  was  constantly  a  means  of 
communication  between  the  archbishop  and  the 
Dutch  scholar.  From  no  man  had  the  earlier  efforts 
of  the  two  friends  met  with  warmer  encouragement. 
The  letter  which  More  wrote  to  him  on  his  resigna- 
tion of  the  Chancellorship  was  friendly  as  well  as 
respectful.1  After  compliments  on  his  conduct  of 
the  office  and  expressions  of  sympathy  with  his 
intention  in  resigning  it,  he  lays  before  the  arch- 
bishop, in  modest  phrase,  his  own  "  little  book," 
which  had  just  been  published.  "Though  fully 
aware  how  unworthy  it  is  of  your  dignity,  learning, 
and  experience,  yet,  knowing  your  candour  and  in- 
dulgence to  every  endeavour  of  mine,  I  have  sum- 
moned up  courage  enough  to  send  it  to  you ;  and, 
should  the  writing  be  deemed  of  little  worth,  the 
writer  is  anxious  to  find  favour." 

Cuthbert  Tunstal,  Master  of  the  Rolls,  his  com- 
1  Stapleton,  cap.  7. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  79 

panion  in  his  first  embassy,  occupied  a  place  next 
to  Erasmus  in  More's  heart.1  The  references  to 
him  in  the  letters  are  always  most  affectionate ; 
and  of  no  man  has  More  left  on  record  a  higher 
opinion.  In  the  Epitaph  which  he  wrote  for  him- 
self he  refers  with  pride  to  his  having  been  joined 
in  embassy  with  one  "  than  whom  the  whole  world 
hath  not  a  man  more  learned,  wise,  or  good."  The 
name  of  Tunstal  also  has  been  immortalized  in 
the  first  book  of  the  Utopia?  But  the  amplest 
memorial  of  their  friendship  is  contained  in  two 
letters  of  More's.3  "  Although  every  letter  I  receive 
from  you,  dearest  friend,  is  very  pleasant  to  me,  yet 
that  which  you  wrote  last  was  most  welcome,  for, 
besides  the  other  praises  which  the  rest  of  your  letters 
deserve  for  their  eloquence,  this  last  yields  a  peculiar 
grace,  for  that  it  contains  your  own  opinion  (I  would 
that  it  were  as  true  as  it  is  favourable)  of  my 
Utopia.  ...  I  almost  persuade  myself  that  all 
those  things  which  you  speak  of  it  are  true,  knowing 
you  to  be  far  from  all  dissimulation,  and  myself  too 
humble  to  need  flattery  and  too  dear  to  you  to  be 
mocked.  Wherefore,  whether  you  have  seen  the 
truth  unfeignedly,  I  rejoice  in  your  judgment,  or 
whether  your  affection  to  me  hath  blinded  your 
judgment,  I  am  no  less  delighted  by  your  love."  Or, 
again,  "  The  amber  which  you  sent  me — being  a 
precious  sepulchre  of  flies — was  in  many  respects 
most  welcome  to  me;  for  the  matter  thereof  may 

1  Erasm.  Epp.  App.  150.     (Ley den  edit,  of  Works,  vol.  iii. 
pt.  2.)  2  Page  27. 

3  Stapleton,  0.  G.,  p.  201,  et  seq. 


80  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

bear  comparison  in  colour  and  brightness  with  any 
precious  stone,  and  the  form  is  more  excellent  because 
it  represents  the  figure  of  a  heart,  as  it  were  the 
emblem  of  our  love ;  from  which  I  take  your  meaning 
to  be  that  between  us  it  will  never  fly  away,  and  yet 
be  always  without  corruption ;  because  I  see  the  fly 
— which  hath  wings  like  Cupid,  and  is  as  fickle — so 
shut  up  and  enclosed  in  the  amber  that  it  cannot  fly 
away,  and  so  embalmed  and  preserved  that  it  cannot 
perish.  I  am  not  so  much  as  once  troubled  that  I 
cannot  send  you  a  like  gift ;  for  I  know  you  do  not 
expect  an  interchange  of  tokens." 

That  TuDstal  fully  reciprocated  More's  affection  is 
seen  in  his  dedication  to  him  of  his  treatise  Be  Arte 
Supputandi.  "When  I  considered  to  which  of  all 
my  friends  I  should  dedicate  their  collection,  I  thought 
you  the  most  fit,  because  of  the  tender  friendship 
which  of  a  long  time  hath  been  between  us,  and  of 
the  sincerity  of  your  mind." 

Another  of  More's  friends  was  Richard  Pace,  hardly 
less  famous  as  a  scholar  than  as  a  diplomatist.  He 
had  been  educated  in  Italy,  and  there  had  become 
acquainted  with  Erasmus,  Tunstal,  and  William 
Latimer,1  through  whom  he  gained  the  friendship 
of  More.  Writing  in  February  1516,2  to  Erasmus, 
More  says  that  Pace  is  away  on  an  embassy :  and 
thus,  missing  both  Pace  and  Erasmus,  he  has  "  lost 
both  parts  of  himself."  How  fully  he  returned  this 
affection  Pace  showed  in   his  book,  Be  Frucbu  qui 

1  Brewer,  vol.  iv.,  preface  p.  liv. 

2  Ibid.   ii.  1552.     Cf.    also   Erasm.   Epp.  1097.      (Leyden 
edit,  of  Works,  vol.  iii.) 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  81 

ex  Doctrind  Pcrcipitur,1  which  contains  one  of  the 
earliest  public  recognitions  of  More's  remarkable 
genius.  "  His  ability  in  the  rapid  understanding  of 
Greek,"  he  says,  "  may  be  part,  perhaps,  of  the  art 
of  any  grammarian ;  but  he  has  far  more  than  this, 
— genius  ;  for  his  ability  is  something  more  than 
human." 

More's  friendship  with  Fisher,  confirmed  and  hal- 
lowed at  the  last  by  suffering,  was  begun  in  earlier 
and  happier  years,  when  many  a  jest  passed  between 
them.2  Among  More's  younger  friends  Lupset  and 
Pole  claim  a  word  of  notice.  The  former,  a  pupil 
of  Colet  and  friend  of  Erasmus,  was  a  welcome  guest 
at  Chelsea.3  By  him  the  second  edition  of  the 
Utopia,  a  reprint  of  the  first,  was  brought  out  at  Paris 
in  1517.4  Through  him  we  find  More  corresponding 
with  Budaeus.5  On  no  one  do  More's  talents  and 
virtues  seem  to  have  made  a  greater  impression  than 
on  Reginald  Pole.  When  More  was  ill  on  one  occa- 
sion, Pole,  then  at  Oxford  with  John  Clement,  sent 
him  the  opinions  of  the  most  learned  physicians  in 
the  University,  and  wrote  to  his  mother,  the  proud 
Countess  of  Salisbury,  to  make  up  the  prescription/' 
Sir  Thomas  acknowledged  the  courtesy  in  a  cordial 
letter.7 

Pole  was  deeply  impressed  by  the  beauty  of  More's 
character,  and  it  was  his  indignation  at  his  friend's 

1  Basil  :  1517,  p.  82. 

2  Stapleton  prints  two  letters  between  them  ;  c.  v.  p.  200. 
See  also  Brewer,  ii.  3418.  3  Erasm.  Epp.  viii.  15. 

4  Brewer,  ii.  1162.  6  Bud.  Epp.  9.     Brewer,  ii.  4421. 

8  Life  of  Pole  (2nd  edit.  1767),  p.  67. 

7  Stapleton,  cap  v.  p.  198  ;  Ores.  More,  p.  69. 


82  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

murder  which  cut  off  all  hope  of  his  restoration  to 
the  favour  of  Henry  VIII.1  To  him  Ellis  Hey- 
wood  in  1556  dedicated  his  commemorative  study  II 
Moro.2 

More's  friendships  were  not  confined  to  English 
scholars.  On  his  first  embassy  More  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Jerome  Busleiden  (Buslidius)  and 
Peter  Giles  (Petrus  iEgidius).  The  former  was  a 
very  rich  and  hospitable  scholar  of  Mechlin,  founder 
of  the  college  of  the  Three  Languages  at  Lou- 
vain.  Of  him  More  wrote  to  Erasmus3 — "Among 
other  things  which  delighted  me  much  in  my 
embassy,  not  the  least  is  that  I  made  the  acquaint- 
ance of  Busleiden,  who  entertained  me  most  court- 
eously according  to  his  great  wealth  and  exceeding 
good  nature.  The  elegance  of  his  house,  his 
admirable  domestic  arrangements,  the  monuments 
of  antiquity  which  he  possesses,  wherein  you  know 
I  take  great  delight,  and  lastly  his  splendid  library 
and  the  fund  of  learning  and  eloquence  which  he 
possesses  in  himself,  completely  astonished  me." 
To  this  subject  he  constantly  returned,  especially 
in  his  Epigrams,  where  there  are  several  poems 
complimenting  Buslidius  on  his  coins,  his  medals, 
and  his  beautiful  house,  and  begging  him  to  publish 
his  own  Latin  verses.  With  Petrus  iEgidius,  who 
was  a  magistrate  of  Antwerp  and  had  been  a  pupil 
of   Erasmus,4   More   seems    to   have    been   equally 

1  See  Pole's  treatise  De  Unitate  Ecclesiae,  lib.  i.  p.  21. 

2  It  Moro :  especially  Dedication,  p.  7. 

3  Stapleton,  cap.  v.  p.  208. 

4  Rudhart,  TJwmae  Morus,  p.  153. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  83 

pleased ;  he  was  admitted,  with  Buslidius,  as  it  were 
behind  the  scenes  of  the  Utopia;  the  introductory 
epistle  was  addressed  to  him,  and  the  most  elaborate 
scheme  of  mystification  concerning  "Raphael  Hythlo- 
daye  "  was  concocted  between  them.1  The  text  of  the 
book  itself  contains  a  high  eulogium  upon  him,  as  a 
politician  and  as  a  friend.'2  Guillaume  Bude  (Buda- 
eus)  was  another  of  the  foreign  scholars  with  whom 
the  publication  of  the  Utopia  made  More  intimate. 
The  French  writer  contributed  a  laudatory  preface 
to  Lupset's  Paris  edition  of  1518.  His  works  then 
came  into  the  hand  of  More.  On  this  a  corre- 
spondence began  which  lasted  during  the  next 
fifteen  years,  and  they  met  once,  when  in  attendance 
on  Henry  VIII.  and  Francis  I.  respectively.  Writing 
in  September  1518,3  Budaeus  thanks  More  for 
the  gift  of  a  pair  of  English  greyhounds.  He  is 
still  more  pleased,  he  declares,  with  his  letter, 
and  says  that  More's  name  should  be  changed  to 
Oxymorus.  More  replied  in  equally  complimentary 
style.4  To  Budaeus,  Erasmus  wrote  one  of  his  long 
descriptions  of  More's  academy,  from  which  extracts 
have  already  been  given.5  In  it  he  contrasted  with 
shrewd  humour  the  pains  of  a  student's  life  as 
described  by  the  French  scholar,  with  its  pleasures 
as  expressed  by  More.  "  Budaeus  complains  that  he 
has  brought  a  scandal  upon  learning  because  it 
has  entailed  upon  him  two  evils — ill  health  and 
ill  husbandry.     More,   on  the  other  hand,   produces 

1   Utopia,  pp.  21—26  :  103— 66.  2  Ibid.  p.  28. 

3  Bud.  Epp.  9.  4  Stapleton,  cap.  v.  p.  204. 

G  Erasm.  Epp.  xvii.  62. 


84  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

the  opposite  impression.  He  says  that  his  health 
is  the  better  for  study — that  he  has  more  influence 
with  the  King — more  popularity  at  home  and 
abroad — is  more  pleasant  and  useful  to  his  friends 
and  relations — abler  for  the  business  of  life  generally 
— and  more  thankful  to  Heaven." 

Buslidius,  iEgidius,  and  Budaeus  knew  only  by 
repute  of  More's  beautiful  home  life,  but  there  were 
many  others  who  had  seen  it.  Polydore  Vergil, 
Vives,  and  Antonio  Bonvisi 1  may  be  considered  as 
naturalized  Englishmen ;  but  Hans  Holbein  from 
his  first  arrival  in  England  was  the  guest  of  More. 
He  came  introduced  by  warm  commendations  from 
Erasmus,  and  was  already  known  to  More  not  only 
by  his  widespread  fame,  but  by  his  illustrations  to 
Froben's  exquisite  edition  of  the  Utopia.  The 
connexion  between  the  English  scholar  and  the 
German  painter  is  too  interesting  to  be  passed  by 
without  a  word  of  notice.  Holbein  had  shown  by 
the  skill  with  which  he  interpreted  and  expressed 
the  ideas  of  Erasmus  in  the  Encomium  Moriae  that 
he  had  a  quick  appreciation  of  literature  in  addition 
to  his  technical  power.  He  was  known  already  as 
the  first  artist  of  the  age,  and  his  skill  was  at  the 
command  of  Froben.  He  was  obviously  the  fit  man 
to   illustrate    Utopia,  and   his  work   for   the   Basle 

1  For  the  connexion  of  these  men  with  More,  see  Erasm. 
Epp.  App.  326  (Leyden  edit,  of  Worts,  vol.  iii.  pt.  2),  p.  888  ; 
Vives,  opera,  vii.  180.  Roper  :  More's  Works,  passim.  Antonio 
Bonvisi  was  godfather  to  one  of  his  grandsons  (Augustine,  son 
of  John  More).  See  Book  of  Hours,  formerly  in  possession  of 
Baron  von  Druffel.  He  was  a  staunch  friend  to  More  till  his 
death. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  85 

edition  has  undoubtedly  great  merit.  It  lacks,  how- 
ever, the  appropriateness  of  his  Encomium  Moriac ; 
and,  admirable  as  are  the  headpieces  and  initial 
letters,  it  is  difficult  to  see,  for  instance,  the  object  of 
a  title-page  representing  Lucretia  plunging  a  dagger 
into  her  bosom  with  Tarquin  looking  on,  in  fashion 
rather  humorous  than  solemn.1  The  chart  of  the 
happy  island  is,  however,  admirable.  Utopia  stands 
in  the  midst  of  tempestuous  seas,  and  is  itself  of 
a  marvellously  uneven  surface.  Three  groups  of 
houses  are  indicated,  over  each  of  which  hangs  a 
label  from  the  clouds,  Amauroti  urls,  Ostium  awydri, 
Fons  anydri.  In  the  foreground,  on  the  main-land, 
stands  Hythlodaye  in  mariner's  boots,  "  his  sea-gown 
girt  about  him,"  conversing  with  a  learned  doctor, 
and  enforcing  his  remarks  by  much  gesticulation. 
More  was  much  pleased  with  the  illustrations,  and 
from  this  time  frequent  mention  of  Holbein  occurs 
in  his  correspondence  with  Erasmus.  The  edition 
of  the  Epigrams  which  Froben  brought  out  in  1520, 
has  an  elaborate  title-page  and  tail-piece,  as  well  as 
some  rich  initial  letters  from  his  hand.  Porsenna 
interrogates  Martius  Scaevola,  and  putti  like  the 
bacchanals  of  Michelangelo  blow  trumpets  and  frisk 
upon  the  greensward  above. 

A  few  years  later  the  painter  was  advised  to 
visit  England,  and  in  1525,  Erasmus  wrote  letters 
to  bespeak  a  welcome  for  him.  More,  replying 
from  the  royal  palace  at  Greenwich  (December  IS, 
1525j,  says— "Thy  painter  is  a  wonderful  artist,  but 

1  There  is  no  explanation  why  Tarquin  should  lie  there 
at  all. 


86  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

I  fear  he  will  not  find  England  as  productive  as 
he  hopes,  although  I  will  do  the  best,  as  far  as  I 
am  concerned,  that  he  should  not  find  it  altogether 
barren." x  Holbein  left  Basle  in  the  autumn  of 
1526,  and  we  hear  of  him  in  England  in  1527. 
Whether  he  was  immediately  or  for  the  whole  of 
his  sojourn  the  guest  of  More  is  uncertain,  but  he 
undoubtedly  spent  a  long  time  at  Chelsea.2  He 
was  thus  at  once  introduced  at  Court,  and  soon 
found  plenty  of  work.  One  of  his  first  pictures 
seems  to  be  the  portrait  of  More,  dated  mdxxvii. 
It  is  life-size,  half-length,  and  the  face  and  expres- 
sion are  depicted  with  the  intense  reality  character- 
istic of  Holbein's  best  work.3  Two  drawings  in  the 
Windsor  collection  are,  in  their  way,  equally  admir- 
able. They  may  have  been  sketches  for  the  known 
portrait,  or — as  is  more  probable,  since  they  are  of  the 
same  size  and  style  as  those  of  his  father,  his  son, 
and  two  of  his  daughters — studies  for  the  large 
picture  of  the  More  family  which  is  now  known  only 
through  the  original  sketch  and  a  number  of  later 
copies.  It  was  probably  in  the  same  year  (1527) 
that  Holbein  at  least  began  the  picture. 

The  Baroness  Burdett  Coutts  possesses  an  ex- 
tremely striking  portrait,  which  is  not  dated.  It 
is  probably  not  Holbein's  work,  but  in  details  of 
pose  and  costume — the  furred  cape,  hat  and  collar 
of  S.S. — it  resembles  the  other  portraits.     The  face, 

1  Erasm.  Epp.  App.  336.  (Leyden  edit,  of  Works,  vol.  iii. 
pt.  2.) 

2  Vide  North  Brit.  Review,  vol.  xxx.  p.  102  et  seq. 

3  It  is  now  the  property  of  Mr.  Edward  Hutli, 


i*-J 


I-. i.i,     bi  <   i    1 1     ;cv. 

DAI  '.II  I  EN    OF    SIH     in 

From  the  drawing  by  Holbct 


I'll    /,!,, 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  S7 

however,  is  thinner  and  older  than  the  Windsor 
drawings,  and  much  darker  in  tone.  It  is  unques- 
tionably an  original  portrait,  and  is  worthy  of  much 
more  attention  than  it  seems  to  have  received  from 
biographers. 

A  number  of  small  portraits  are  to  be  found  in 
English  country  houses,1  most  of  them  copies  taken 
when  More's  martyrdom  had  made  him  greatly  vener- 
ated. The  great  picture  of  the  More  family  seems 
to  be  irreparably  lost;  but  the  authenticity  of  the 
sketch  preserved  in  the  Musee  at  Basle  is  unquestion- 
able. This  is  undoubtedly  the  original  design  for  the 
picture  sent  by  More  to  Erasmus  on  Holbein's  return 
to  Basle,  and  acknowledged  by  him  in  the  letter  to 
Margaret  Roper  mentioned  above.  In  this  sketch 
More  is  seated  in  the  middle,  having  his  father  on 
his  right  hand,  and  his  son  on  his  left.  Behind  him 
stands  Anne  Cresacre,  further  to  his  right  Margaret 
Giggs  holding  an  open  book,  and  Elizabeth  Dauncey 
drawing  on  a  glove.  Behind  young  John  More 
stands  Harris — or,  as  some  say,  Pattison ;  to  More's 
left  Cicely  Heron  and  Margaret  Roper,  while  slightly 
behind  them  Dame  Alice,  a  portly  woman,  kneels 
before  a  jyric-dicu,  and  is  distracted  in  her  devotion 
by  a  monkey.  How  far  the  sketch  was  reproduced 
in  the  picture  is  impossible  to  say ;  but  it  is  probable 
from  some  of  the  manuscript  notes  on  the  drawing 
that  Holbein  intended  to  vary  the  details;  and  the 
known  copies  present  such  variations. 

1  One  of  the  most  interesting  is  in  the  possession  of  T.  H. 
Cheatle,  Esq.,  of  Burford.  In  tins  the  face  La  smaller,  sharper, 
and  more  swarthy  than  in  the  better  known  works. 


88  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

Two  of  the  pictures  demand  special  notice.  Lord 
St.  Oswald  at  Nostell  Priory  possesses  a  large  copy, 
certainly  taken  in  the  sixteenth  century,  which  gives 
probably  the  truest  reproduction  of  the  original  that 
now  exists. 

In  this  the  family  are  grouped  in  a  circle.  In 
the  middle  is  Sir  Thomas  More  in  a  dark  furred 
gown  with  dog  lying  at  his  feet.  His  face  is  sad 
and  slim  and  darkly  shadowed,  unlike  the  larger, 
clearer,  and  happier  countenance  of  the  brighter  of 
the  Windsor  drawings.  To  his  right  sits  his  father 
in  his  red  justice's  robes — a  hale  and  hearty  old  man, 
with  a  red  and  shining  face.  At  his  feet,  too,  lies 
a  little  dog.  Next  to  Sir  John  is  Sir  Thomas's 
daughter,  Elizabeth  Dauncey,  standing,  and  drawing 
on  a  glove ;  by  her  side,  at  the  extreme  left  of  the 
picture,  is  Margaret  Giggs,  the  wife  of  John  Clement, 
holding  a  book.  There  are  sketches  for  both  of 
these  in  the  Windsor  collection,  erroneously  entitled 
Lady  Berkeley  and  Mother  Jak.  The  pose  and 
dress  of  Mrs.  Clement  differ  in  the  picture  from  the 
drawing.  Behind  this  group  is  a  table  with  books, 
and  a  sideboard  with  tall  grasses  in  a  bowl,  and  a 
lute  and  flowers.  Over  More's  head  hangs  a  clock 
with  long  weights.  By  his  right  shoulder  and  be- 
hind him  and  his  father  stands  Anne  Cresacre,  the 
betrothed  of  his  son  John,  who  stands  also  behind 
him,  on  his  left,  a  delicate-looking  lad  reading  a 
book.  Sitting  next  to  Sir  Thomas  is  his  daughter, 
Celia  Heron,  with  a  book,  and  by  her  side  her  sister 
Margaret  Roper  with  the  CEdipus  of  Seneca  open  on 
her  lap.      At  the  extreme  right  is  Lady  More,  a 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  89 

comfortable  but  rather  ugly-looking  woman,  seated 
in  an  arm-chair,  a  monkey  plucking  at  her  gown. 
Behind  Lady  More  is  a  window  with  flowers  and 
oranges  on  the  sill.  John  Harris  stands  behind  with 
papers,  and  by  him  Henry  Pattison  the  fool — while 
in  the  far  background  a  secretary  sits  writing  in  an 
inner  room  by  a  window.  All  the  family  wear  dark 
clothes,  except  Sir  John,  who  is  in  bright  red.  The 
servants  are  in  yellow,  and  have  their  hats  on.  It 
will  be  seen  that  there  are  considerable  differences 
in  this  picture  from  the  Basle  sketch ;  but  we  can- 
not tell  if  these  were  to  be  found  in  Holbein's  own 
picture.  The  Nostell  work,  interesting  as  it  is,  is 
not  a  complete  guide  to  its  original;  and  it  has 
suffered  severely  from  the  attention -of  restorers. 

The  second  picture  referred  to  is  of  note  because 
it  has  received  several  additions  since  it  was  first 
painted,  and  because  it  is  in  a  much  better  condition 
than  the  Nostell  picture.  It  was  at  one  time  at 
Burford  Priory,  when  that  house  belonged  to  the 
Lenthalls.1  It  is  now  at  Cokethorpe  Park  near 
Witney.  The  general  scheme  of  the  picture  is  the 
same  as  the  Basle  drawing  and  the  Nostell  copy ;  but 
Sir  John  More  is  at  the  extreme  left  of  the  picture. 
He  is  dressed  in  his  judge's  robes,  and  his  face  is 
less  fat  and  altogether  much  more  intelligent  and 
interesting  than  in  the  Nostell  picture,  though  the 
drawing  is  not  nearly  so  striking  as  in  the  Windsor 

1  Mr.  Hunter,  Preface  to  Ores.  More's  Life,  \>.  xxxviii, 
note,  thinks  "it  probably  came  from  More  Place,  when  the- 
Mores  abandoned  their  estates  iu  Hertfordshire,  and  returned 
to  the  north," 


90  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

sketch.     The  face  of  Sir  Thomas,  too,  is  far  more 
characteristic  and   expressive   than  in   the  Nostell 
picture.     It  is  extremely  pale  and  sad,  but  full  of 
determination  and  power.      At   each  side,  behind, 
stand  Anne  Cresacre  in  dark  green,  and  John  More 
in  black.     These  closely  follow  the  Nostell  picture. 
Next  to  her  brother  sits  Cicely  Heron,  and  by  her  side 
Margaret  Roper,  the  latter  a  very  pleasing  present- 
ment of  a  kindly  and  intelligent  face.     Behind  the 
two  seated  sisters — a  variation   from  the  drawing 
and   from    the   Nostell    picture — stands   Elizabeth 
Dauncey.     Her  attitude  is  the  same  as  in  the  other 
copy ;  but  her  position  is  changed  from  the  left  to 
the  right  of  the  picture.    From  this  point  it  appears 
that   what   originally   occupied    the    right   of   the 
picture — probably  the    figures  of  Lady  More  and 
of  the  attendants — has  been  painted  out,  as  the 
space  is  now  occupied  by  later  representatives  of 
the  More  family,  a  man  with  a  high  colour  wearing 
a  sugar-loaf  hat,  and  an  elderly  woman,  both  seated, 
and  behind  them  a  handsome  man  of  middle  age, 
and  a  boy  just  growing  into  manhood.     These  may 
probably   be   identified,  by   an   inscription   at   the 
extreme  right  of  the  picture,  and  by  the  coats  of 
arms  that  are  painted  above  them,  as  Thomas  More 
(son  of  John  More  and  Anne  Cresacre),  his  wife 
Mary  Scrope,  and  their  eldest  and  youngest  sons, 
John  and  Christopher  Cresacre.     On  the  wall  be- 
hind hangs  the  portrait  of  a  lady,  who  may  possibly 
be  Anne  More,  only  daughter  of  John  More  and 
Anne    Cresacre,   or   Anne   Cresacre   herself.      The 
additional  figures  appear  to  have  been  painted  in 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  91 

1503  "anno  regni  Elizabethae  35,"  when  Thomas 
More  was  sixty-two  and  his  wife  was  fifty-nine. 
The  dates  of  the  original  family  group  imply  that 
the  original  picture  was  being  painted  in  1530.  It 
may  thus  have  been  an  early  copy  of  Holbein's 
great  picture,  or  even  a  replica  from  the  master's 
hand.  It  is  in  every  way  superior  to  the  Nostell 
picture,  and  is  by  no  means  unworthy  of  the  great 
artist.1  The  interest  of  the  added  figures  is  con- 
siderable, not  least  since  the  dark  thoughtful  youth 
who  stands  between  his  father  and  mother  can  be 
identified  as  the  Cresacre  More  who  wrote  the 
beautiful  biography  of  his  great-grandfather. 

Though  it  is  impossible  to  be  satisfied  with  the 
pictures  we  have,  we  may  at  least  learn  from  them 
how  truly  Holbein  entered  into  the  beautiful  family 
life  of  which  he  was  for  a  time  a  sharer.  A  man 
he  was  worthy  to  be  admitted  and  to  appreciate — "  a 
grave  man,"  as  Mr.  Ruskin  says, "  knowing  what  steps 
of  men  keep  truest  time  to  the  chaunting  of  death," 
and  hearing  it  may  be  the  soft  singing  which  images 
the  truthfulness  of  a  beautiful  life  "perhaps  ever 
low  in  the  room  of  that  family  of  Sir  Thomas  More, 
or  mingling  with  the  hum  of  bees  in  the  meadows 

1  The  picture  is  of  great  historical  and  genealogical  interest. 
The  identification  of  the  persons  added  to  the  Holbein  picture 
is  rendered  practically  certain  by  the  discovery  of  the  Book 
of  Hours  belonging  to  the  family,  which  was  sold  with  the 
collection  of  the  Baron  von  Druffel  of  Munster,  Westphalia, 
in  January  1894.  The  dates  of  the  ages  of  the  three  figures, 
Thomas,  John  and  Cresacre,  as  given  on  the  picture,  tally 
exactly  with  the  family  entries  in  the  book.  The  writer  of 
the  entries  is  evidently  the  Thomas  More  of  the  picture.  He 
refers  to  his  brother-in-law  "Mr.  Raufe  Scrope." 


92  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

outside  tlie  towered  wall  of  Basle,  or  making  the 
words  of  that  book  more  tuneable,  which  meditative 
Erasmus  looks  upon."  A  fit  man  truly  to  paint 
Erasmus  and  More,  the  scholar  and  the  saint. 

Holbein  returned  to  Basle  in  1528,  and  when  he 
next  visited  England  in  1531,  probably  did  not 
reside  at  Chelsea. 

More's  house  was  not  only  a  home  for  artists  and 
scholars.  Diplomatists  and  men  of  action  eagerly 
sought  his  society,  among  them  the  Venetian  ambas- 
sador Giustiniani,  and  his  secretary  Nicolo  Sagudino. 
In  1517,  especially,  they  were  constant  guests  at 
Chelsea.  Their  literary  society,  says  the  former — 
containing  probably,  Pace,  Tunstal,  Ammonius,  Lin- 
acre,  and  More — exerted  itself  strenuously,  "  ne  dies 
ullus  musis  vacuis  dilabatur,"  lest  any  day  should 
pass  without  literature.1  Sagudino  seems  to  have 
been  admitted  to  a  close  friendship  with  More, 
for  he  writes,  "  totum  me  ei  addixi  ;  in  cujus 
melitissima  consuetudine  tanquam  in  amcenissimo 
diversorio  saepe  acquiescere  soleo ;  ille  que  qua  est 
humanitate  vir,  per  benigne  amanterque  me  vidit  et 
excipit;  quo  fit  ut  nunquam  eum  conveniam  quin 
me  doctiorem  suique  ainantiorem  dimittat."  2  Many 
more  of  the  distinguished  men  of  the  day  might 
here  take  their  places  among  More's  friends;  but 
enough  has  been  said  to  show  the  deep  impression 
which  the  beauty  of  his  family  life  made  upon  his 
contemporaries. 

Yet  there  is  one  other  figure,  most  significant  and 

1  Rawdon  Brown,  Giust.  ii.  68. 

2  To  Marcus  Muslims,  April  22,  1517. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  93 

most  sinister,  constantly  at  one  period  to  be  seen 
at  Chelsea,  which  must  not  be  forgotten.  Of  the 
familiar  intercourse  between  Henry  VIII.  and  his 
faithful  servant,  the  words  of  Roper  give  the  best 
picture.  "  So  from  time  to  time  was  he  by  the 
Prince  advanced,  continuing  in  his  singular  favour 
and  trusty  service  twenty  years  and  above.  A  good 
part  whereof  used  the  King  upon  holidays,  when  he 
had  done  his  own  devotions,  to  send  for  him  into  his 
travers,  and  there  some  time  in  matters  of  Astronomy, 
Geometry,  Divinity,  and  such  other  Faculties,  aud 
some  time  in  his  worldly  affairs,  to  sit  and  confer 
with  him :  and  otherwise  would  he  in  the  night 
have  him  up  into  the  leads  there  to  consider  with 
him  the  diversities,  courses,  motions,  and  operations 
of  the  stars  and  planets.  And  because  he  was  of  a 
pleasant  disposition,  it  pleased  the  King  and  Queen 
after  the  council  had  supped,  at  the  time  of  their 
supper  for  their  pleasure  commonly  to  call  for  him, 
and  to  be  merry  with  him.  When  he  perceived  so 
much  in  his  talk  to  delight  that  he  could  not  once  in  a 
month  get  leave  to  go  home  to  his  wife  and  children 
(whose  company  he  most  desired),  and  to  be  absent 
from  the  Court  two  days  together,  but  that  he  should 
be  thither  sent  for  again,  he  much  misliking  this 
restraint  of  liberty,  began  thereupon  somewhat  to 
dissemble  his  nature,  and  so  by  little  and  little  from 
his  former  mirth  to  disuse  himself,  that  he  was  of 
them  from  thenceforth  no  more  so  ordinarily  sent 
for."  And,  yet  later  on,  "  for  the  pleasure  he  took 
in  his  company  would  his  grace  suddenly  sometimes 
come  home  to  his  house  at  Chelsea,  to  be  merry 


94  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

with  him,  whither  on  a  time  unlooked  for  he  came 
to  dinner,  and  after  dinner  in  a  fair  garden  of  his 
walked  with  him  by  the  space  of  an  hour,  holding 
his   arm   about   his   neck.      As  soon   as   his  grace 
was  gone,  I  rejoicing,  told  Sir  Thomas  More  how 
happy  he  was  whom  the  King  so  familiarly  enter- 
tained,   as    I    had    never    seen    him    do    to    any 
before,  except  Cardinal   Wolsey,  whom   I   saw   his 
srace  once  walk  with  arm-in-arm.      '  I  thank  our 
Lord,  son,'    quoth  he,  'I  find   his   grace  my  very 
good   lord   indeed,   and   I   do   believe   he   doth   as 
singularly  favour   me   as   any   subject   within   this 
realm.     Howbeit,  son  Koper,  I  may  tell  thee,  I  have 
no  cause  to  be  proud  thereof.     For  if  my  head  would 
win  him  a  castle  in  France — for  then  there  was  war 
between  us — it  would  not  fail  to  go.'  " l    It  was  this 
guest,   hasty,   eager,    active,   seeking   into    all    the 
branches  of  human  inquiry,  who  disturbed  the  quiet 
of  More's  home.     He  was  a  king  whom  men  were 
proud  to  serve,  and  on  whose  praise  they  seemed 
almost  to  live :  one  who  knew  how  to  reward,  and 
better  to  appreciate,  services ;    but  one  whose  will 
was  relentless  and  whose  heart  without  pity.     More, 
at  least,  knew  well  what  was  the  value  set  upon  his 
own  work,  and  did  not  misunderstand  the  meaning 
of  a  Court  life. 

It  was  a  time,  as  More  well  knew,  of  startling 
contrasts.  As  we  read  of  the  happy  company  of 
scholars  and  children  in  the  garden  at  Chelsea,  play- 
ing soft  instruments  and  singing  old  songs,  we  pass 

1  Roper,  pp.  7,  15  ;  cf.  Harpsfield. 


HOME  AND  FRIENDS  95 

in  thought  not  unnaturally  to  that  sad  scene  in  the 
garden  at  Bridewell,  as  our  great  dramatist  has 
shown  it  to  us,  when  the  forsaken  Queen  would  fain 
for  a  moment  disperse  her  sorrows  with  the  lute  : 

In  sweet  Music  is  such  art, 
Killing  care  and  grief  of  heart 
Fall  asleep,  or,  hearing,  die. 


CHAPTER    III. 

LITERARY  WORK  :   THE    '  UTOPIA.' 

"  We  need  some  imaginative  stimulus,  some  not  impossible 
ideal  which  may  shape  vague  hope,  and  transform  it  into 
effective  desire,  to  carry  us  year  after  year,  -without 
disgust,  through  the  routine-work  which  is  so  large  a  part 
of  life." — Walter  Pater. 

More  will  ever  be  remembered  as  a  lawyer  and 
statesman  of  honour  and  conscience,  and  the  beauty 
of  his  home  life  remains  a  priceless  record  of  family 
sanctity :  but  even  more  enduring  is  his  fame  as  a 
man  of  letters.  He  lived  at  a  turning-point  in 
English  literature,  and  he  did  much  to  guide  the 
flowing  stream  into  the  channel  which  it  has  ever 
since  pursued.  English  literature  with  him  became 
romantic,  keenly  alive  to  the  sentiment  of  the  past, 
imaginative,  practical,  and  pure.  The  characteristics 
of  the  great  age  of  Elizabeth,  which  was  so  soon  to 
make  the  little  island  that  had  long  seemed  to  live 
apart  from  the  culture  of  Europe  to  claim  rank  with 
the  Italy  of  the  Renaissance,  are  seen  not  dimly  in 
the  master  touches  of  his  work.  More  belonged  in 
spirit  to  the  future — to  the  England  of  Elizabeth, 
even  to  the  England  which  centuries'  later  pictures 
the  art,  the   beauty,  and   the   happiness  that  may 


LITERARY  WORK:  THE   'UTOPIA'  97 

come  from  fellow-work  and  common  life.  But  he 
belonged  to  the  past  as  well.  His  intense  reverence, 
his  quaintness,  his  absolute  submission  to  the  one 
single  Church  of  Christ,  his  reminiscences  of  Chau- 
cerian  medievalism  and  of  the  literature  of  Chivalry, 
show  that  he  had  been  born  when  men  still  wrote 
laborious  manuscripts  and  painted  with  the  minute 
devotion  of  a  lifetime.  A  scholar  of  the  New  Learn- 
ing, to  whom  Italy  had  revealed  all  that  the  Florentine 
Academy  had  made  the  heritage  of  the  world,  a  man 
of  letters  steeped  in  the  literature  of  past  ages  and 
other  tongues,  he  was  yet  alert  with  all  the  foresight 
and  inquisitiveness  of  the  seamen  and  the  free- 
thinkers of  his  day.  And  thus  it  is  that  when  life 
and  learning  have  passed  on  in  triumphant  march 
far  beyond  the  point  of  vantage  from  which  his  eager 
gaze  pierced  into  futurity,  men  turn  back  with  fresh 
love  and  curiosity  to  the  scholar  and  the  historian 
who  gave  them  the  Utopia. 

More  lived  a  busy  life,  but  one  which  rarely  failed 
to  find  time  for  books.  His  works  were,  with  some 
short  intervals,  the  continuous  expression  of  his  mind 
as  thought  and  work  and  tribulation  shaped  it. 
Routine-work  indeed  occupied  a  large  part  of  his 
days  ;  from  it  he  sought  relief  in  religion,  in  scholar- 
ship, and  in  the  stimulus  of  an  imaginative  ideal. 

His  literary  work  then  may  well  precede  the  record 
of  his  public  life ;  and  we  may  speak  first  concern- 
ing his  History  of  Richard  III.,  his  lesser  Latin 
compositions,  and  the   Utopia.1 

1  For  a  complete  list  of  More'*  Works,  see  Rudliart,  TJi. 
iilfortw,  pp.  430—438. 

H 


98  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

Of  the  lesser  Latin  works  the  Epigrams  and  the 
Letter  to  the  University  of  Oxford  alone  need  mention 
here.  The  Epigrams  are  a  collection  of  verses,  on 
every  possible  variety  of  subject,  composed  at  differ- 
ent times  and  in  entirely  different  strains.  They 
are  neither  much  better  nor  much  worse  than 
similar  compositions  of  More's  contemporaries. 
Their  merit  consists  in  the  easy  adaptation  to 
poetic  uses  of  the  colloquial  Latin  of  the  time,  not 
in  style  or  accuracy  of  scholarship — for  More  was 
by  no  means  always  careful  of  the  rules  of  prosody 
and  metrical  composition.  They  are  in  fact  com- 
positions remarkable  neither  in  their  own  age  nor 
in  ours.  In  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century 
every  scholar  wrote  Latin  verses,  and  many  gave 
them  to  the  world.  More,  at  least,  showed  no 
anxiety  for  the  publication  of  his  epigrams.  A  few 
of  them  had  appeared  separately,  but  the  first 
collected  edition  was  produced  under  the  superin- 
tendence of  Erasmus  from  the  press  of  Froben.  As 
the  work  of  More,  and  as  appearing  when  the  Utopia 
had  made  men  aware  of  his  remarkable  talents,  the 
Epigrams  were  sure  of  a  cordial  reception  from  the 
learned  world. 

"  What  might  have  been  expected,"  wrote  Erasmus, 
"  if  Italy  had  given  birth  to  a  genius  so  happy,  if  he 
had  given  himself  entirely  to  the  Muses,  and  if  his 
talent  had  ripened  into  autumn's  fruit  ?  For  he  was 
but  a  youth  when  he  amused  himself  with  these 
epigrams,  and  no  more  than  a  boy  when  he  wrote 
many  others."  "  Progymnasmata  "  he  called  the  first 
part  of  his  book ;  and  his  friend,  the  scholar  Lilly, 


LITERARY   WORK:    THE   'UTOPIA'  99 

contributed  verses  to  the  volume.  It  was  a  fellow- 
work,  "  Thomae  Mori  et  Gulielmi  Lilii  solatium." 
Dedicated  to  Bilibald  Pirchheimer,  who  was  famous 
as  a  statesman  and  man  of  letters,  it  could  hardly 
fail  to  attract  immediate  attention. 

Stapleton,  who  is  followed  by  Cresacre  More,1  has 
collected  some  of  the  extravagant  commendations 
which  the  book  received.  From  these  high-pitched 
laudations  a  great  deal  must  be  subtracted ;  it  must 
be  remembered,  for  example,  that  More  praises  the 
poems  of  Bude  and  Busleiden  as  warmly  as  they 
eulogize  his  epigrams. 

A  cursory  glance  at  the  volume  will  suffice.  Its 
wide  scope  faithfully  reflects  the  wide  interests  of 
the  age.  Politics  and  literature,  the  scholar's  studies 
and  the  exercises  of  the  religious  life,  loyal  eulogies 
and  vers  de  socMW,  all  find  place. 

Among  the  political  epigrams  are  those  on  the 
capture  of  Norham  Castle  by  the  Scots,  and  its 
recovery  after  the  battle  of  Flodden,  a  sort  of  con- 
demnatory epitaph  on  the  unhappy  James  IV.,  con- 
gratulations on  the  capture  of  Tournay — in  which 
Henry  VIII.  is  compared  to  Caesar — and  two  which 
are  so  important  as  the  expression  of  views  rare 
indeed  at  that  epoch  as  to  justify  their  insertion  here. 

Popuhis  consentiens  regnvm  dot  et  aufert : 
Quicunque  raultis  vir  viris  unus  praeest 

Hoc  debet  his  quibus  praeest, 
Praesse  debet  neutiquam  diutius 

Hi  quam  volent  quibus  praeest. 
Quid  impotentes  prmcipes  supcrbiunt  1 

Quod  imperant  precario  ? 2 

1  Stapleton,  cap.  ii.  ;  Cres.  More,  p.  12.  2  Page  53. 


100  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

De  Bono  JRege  et  Popvlo : 
Totum  est  imus  homo  regnum,  idque  cohaeret  amore 

Rex  caput  est,  populus  caetera  membra  facit. 
Rex  quoque  habet  cives  (dolet  ergo  perdere  quemquam), 

Tot  munerat  partes  corporis  ipse  sui, 
Exponit  populus  sese  pro  rege  putatque 

Qui  libet  buuc  proprii  corporis  esse  caput.1 

Among  the  poems  on  matters  of  personal  interest 
there  are  the  verses,  to  which  some  fame  has  been 
given,  on  More's  meeting  a  lady  whom  he  had 
loved  twenty  years  before.  Their  fame  has  arisen 
from  the  conjecture,  which  it  is  impossible  to  verify 
but  which  the  text  of  the  poem  renders  exceedingly 
improbable,  that  the  lady  was  the  younger  sister 
of  his  first  wife ; 2  and  from  the  curious  coincidence 
that  he  expresses  his  hope  of  meeting  her  again 
after  another  twenty,  years  have  elapsed — in  the 
year,  as  it  turned  out,  of  his  own  death.  In  the 
same  division  may  be  placed  the  exquisite  letter 
to  his  children,3  several  epigrams  addressed  to  Bus- 
leiden,  three  on  the  New  Testament  of  Erasmus, 
one  on  an  escape  from  drowning,  in  which  he  seems 
to  have  felt  a  momentary  presentment  of  the  manner 
of  his  death,  and  those  relating  to  his  controversy 
with  Brixius. 

A  word  may  be  permitted  on  this  typical  literary 
squabble.  A  French  scholar  named  de  Brie  (Brixius) 
had  written  a  poem  called  Chordigcra,  on  the  fight 
between  the  English  ship  Regent  and  the  French  La 
GordelUre  in  1513.  More,  fired  by  the  derision  heaped 
on  the  English,  wrote  several  epigrams,  exposing  the 
malevolence,  bad   faith,  and  vanity  of  the  French 

1  Pages  50,  51.      2  Vide  above,  p.  38.     3  Epigrams,  p.  110. 


LITERARY   WORK:  THE  'UTOPIA1  101 

writer.  When  these  came  to  the  ears  of  Brixius  he 
revenged  himself  by  an  elegy,  entitled  Anti-Morus, 
pointing  out  all  the  faults  in  the  poems  of  More  with 
which  he  was  acquainted,  and  commenting  especially 
on  the  implied  slight  to  Henry  VII.  in  the  Carmen 
gratulatoriuni,  on  the  accession  of  Henry  VIII.  This 
poem  remained  for  some  time  unpublished,  but  at 
last  made  its  appearance  at  Paris  in  1520.  More 
at  once  wrote  indignantly  to  Erasmus,1  asking  his 
advice,  and  also  put  forth  a  pasquinade  in  answer.2 
He  detailed  the  whole  occasion  of  the  quarrel,  from 
the  burning  of  the  Regent  to  the  A?Ui-3Iorus,  and 
complained  of  its  publication  at  a  time  when  England 
and  France  were  in  close  alliance.  His  defence, 
however,  of  the  expressions  in  the  coronation  ode  on 
which  Brixius  had  commented  is,  naturally,  somewhat 
lame.  This  had  hardly  been  published  when  More 
received  a  letter  from  Erasmus,3  urging  him  to  treat 
the  matter  with  silent  contempt  and  to  suppress  the 
version  which  had  given  offence.  More  felt  the 
justice  of  this  advice,  and  recalled  the  work  from 
circulation.  Brixius,  however,  did  not  escape  without 
punishment,  for  he  received  a  scathing  letter  from 
Erasmus,1  in  which  the  highest  praises  of  More  were 
joined  with  the  most  contemptuous  reference  to  his 
opponent.  "  I  have  not  seen  many  of  your  writings," 
wrote  the  scholar,  "  of  More's  I  have  read  several  and 
know  them  well.  I  think  of  their  writer  as  all  men 
who  know  him  think  ; — as  a  man  of  incomparable 
genius,  a   most   happy   memory,  a  most  ready  elo- 

1  Erasm.  Epp.  xv.  1G.  2  Mori  Opera,  p.  319. 

3  Erasm.  Epp.  xv.  15.  4  Ibid.  xiii.  33. 


102  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

quence.  When  a  boy  he  learnt  Latin,  when  a  young 
man  Greek,  under  the  ablest  teachers,  especially 
Linacre  and  Grocyn.  In  divinity  he  has  made  so 
much  progress  that  he  is  not  to  be  despised  even  by 
the  most  eminent  theologians  :  the  liberal  arts  too 
he  has  touched  not  unhappily :  in  philosophy  he  is 
beyond  mediocrity :  to  say  nothing  of  his  profession 
of  the  law  in  which  he  yields  to  no  one."  x 

Among  the  epigrams  on  subjects  of  literary  and 
general  interest,  there  are  several  directed  against 
women,  —  written  indeed  more  bitterly  than  we 
might  have  imagined  More  could  write.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  is  the  description  of  a  per- 
fect wife,  addressed  to  "Candidus,"  which  in  itself 
would  be  sufficient  to  show  that  More  was  no 
woman-hater. 

The  vices  of  monks  and  of  particular  ecclesiastics 
are  satirized  in  other  epigrams :  several  painters  and 
poetasters  are  also  derided.  A  French  writer  is  told 
that  "  he  is  undoubtedly  animated  by  the  spirit  of 
the  ancients,  for  he  hits  upon  the  self-same  lines 
that  have  been  composed  by  them."  Two  smart 
pieces  describe  the  extravagances  of  the  topers 
"  Fuscus  "  and  "  Marcellus."  Another  tells  how  More 
had  agreed  to  write  an  epitaph  on  a  singer  named 
Henry  Abyngdon.  His  first  composition,  written  in 
elegiacs,  was  not  "  tuneful "  enough  for  the  bereaved 
relations;  he  then  wrote  another  in  the  rhyming 
style  of  the '  medieval  Latinists,  which  was  much 
preferred  to  his  first.     On  this  he  wrote  an  epigram 

1  For  the  disputes  with  Brixius,  in  addition  to  the  ordinary- 
biographers,  see  Cayley,  Memorials  of  Sir  Thomas  More,  p.  79. 


LITERARY  WORK:  THE  'UTOPIA'  103 

declaring  that  he  who  considered  the  second  superior 
to  the  first  ought  to  be  buried  in  the  same  tomb, 
and  bear  the  same  epitaph  as  Abyngdon  now  had. 

His  derision  of  the  Frenchified  fashions  of  the  day 
may  be  compared  with  the  passage  in  Shakespeare's 
Henry  VIII.  on  the  same  subject.  More  ridicules 
his  friend  "  Lalus,"  who  has  imitated  the  French  in 
his  outward  attire,  cloak,  hat,  belt,  sword,  gloves, 
and — still  more — 

"  One  only  man  lie  keeps,  and  he  from  France, 
Who  by  the  French  themselves  could  not,  I  think, 
Be  treated  more  in  fashion  of  the  French. 
He  never  pays  his  wages,— that  is  French. 
Stints  him  with  meagre  victuals,— French  again  ; 
Works  him  to  death,— and  this  again  is  French."  1 

Finally,  there  are  several  epigrams  against  astrology 
and  astrologers,  evidently  one  of  Mores  pet  subjects 
of  aversion.  As  a  specimen  of  the  style  of  these 
compositions  one,  addressed  In  Fabianum  Astrologvm, 
may  be  quoted — 

"  Uno  multa  die  de  rebus  fata  futuris, 

Credula  quum  de  te  turba  frequenter  emat. 

Inter  multa  ununi  si  fors  mendacia  verum  est 
Illico  vis  vatem  te,  Fabiane,  patem. 

At  tu  de  rebus  semper  mentire  futuris 
Si  potes  hoc,  vatem  te  Fabiane  putem." 

Not  the  least  striking  of  his  epigrams  are  those  in 
which  he  scourges  the  vices  of  the  clergy.  He  shows 
certainly  no  reluctance  to  expose  private  vices  or  to 
condemn  public  errors.      "  Candidus  "  is  spoken  of 

1  Archdeacon  Wranghani's  translation,  quoted  mPhttomorua 
(1st  edit.  1848  ;  2nd,  1879)  :  q.  0.  for  an  excellent  account  of 
More's  Latin  poems. 


104  SIR   THOMAS   MORE 

as  endowed  with  a  combination  of  virtues  rare  among 
the  fathers  of  the  Church. 

As  a  faithful  mirror  view  it, 

Showing  what  to  do, — what  shun. 

All  he  shuns,  take  care  to  do  it : 
All  he  does,  take  care  to  shun.1 

He  can  see  humour  in  sacred  matters  too,  and 
objects  of  satire  in  lazy  friars  and  worldly  priests. 
Nowhere  are  More's  candour  and  freedom  better 
seen  than  in  his  epigrams. 

While  his  Latin  verse  represents  one  side  of  the 
interests  of  this  English  disciple  of  the  Renaissance 
— the  application  of  the  ancient  languages  and  the 
classic  models  to  the  events  of  the  day — another 
aspect  is  illustrated  by  his  famous  defence  of  the 
study  of  Greek,  a  letter  addressed  to  the  University 
of  Oxford.  This  was  a  composition  to  which  he 
seems  to  have  attached  some  value,  for  we  are  told 
by  Stapleton  that  he  gave  it  to  his  "  school,"  as  he 
called  his  family,  to  put  into  English  and  then  again 
to  translate  into  Latin.  The  cause  of  the  letter 
was  the  commotion  which  had  been  taking  place  in 
Oxford  ever  since  Grocyn  first  lectured,  but  which 
had  much  increased  in  the  year  1518.  The  study 
of  Greek  was  regarded  by  the  older  men  as  useless 
and  dangerous;  and  the  students  had  formed  bands 
of  "Trojans"  and  "Greeks."  In  Lent  a  foolish 
preacher  had  delivered  a  violent  diatribe  against 
the  classics.  The  Court  heard  of  the  commotion. 
Henry  was  at  the  time  at  Abingdon,  whither  he  had 
fled  from  London  oh  account  of  the  sweating  sick- 

1  PMlomorus,  2nd  edit.  p.  126. 


LITERARY  WORK:  THE  'UTOPIA'  105 

ness.  More  was  with  him,  and  wrote  an  indignant 
but  respectful  letter  to  the  "  Fathers  and  Proctors " 
of  the  University.1  He  described  the  struggle, 
which  he  had  at  first  regarded  as  a  mere  childish 
freak,  and  commented  severely  on  the  folly  of  the 
preacher  who  had  attacked  the  study  of  Greek 
from  the  University  pulpit.  "  What  will  be  thought 
of  our  University  abroad  ? "  he  exclaimed ;  and, 
after  an  eloquent,  if  narrow,  panegyric  of  the  great 
poets,  historians,  and  orators  of  Greece,  he  insisted 
on  the  necessity  of  a  liberal  education  as  the  basis 
for  a  study  of  Theology.  He  contrasted  the  activity 
of  Cambridge  with  the  apathy  of  Oxford ;  brought 
forward  the  examples  of  Warham,  Wolsey — "  liter- 
arum  promotor,  et  ipse  literatissimus  " — and  the 
King  himself,  as  diligent  students;  and  earnestly 
exhorted  the  authorities  to  put  down  the  ridiculous 
squabble. 

The  letter  is  valuable  as  an  illustration  of  the 
liberality  of  More's  views  and  of  his  deep  interest 
in  his  University.  It  was  successful:  "the  King," 
says  Erasmus,  "  imposed  silence  on  the  rabble."  Nor 
was  More's  intervention  ill  received  in  Oxford,  for 
we  find  him  High  Steward  of  the  University  in  1524. 

To  the  end  of  his  life  he  retained  his  interest  in 
his  University.  In  1529,  Wolsey  proposed  that  he 
should  arbitrate  between  the  University  and  the 
Town  in  one  of  their  perennial  quarrels;  but  the 
citizens  would  not  agree  then  to  settle  the  dispute.2 

1  Jortin's  Eramm,  ill.  358  :   Hearne's  edition   of  Roper, 
pp.  159—167.     The  letter  was  republished,  Oxford,  1(533. 
-  See  Maxwell  Lyte,  History  of  University  of  Oxford,  p.  429. 


106  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

In  1530,  he  joined  with  Gardiner  in  pleading  for 
the  maintenance  of  Wolsey's  noble  foundation  of 
Cardinal  College.1 

But  More  was  not  only  a  satirist  and  a  scholar ; 
he  had  already  begun  to  write  vigorous  English 
prose.  In  the  year  1513,  "being  at  the  time  under- 
sheriff  of  London,"  he  wrote  his  History  of  Richard 
III.2  The  work  was  unfinished,  whether  from  dis- 
inclination to  the  kind  of  writing  or  from  the 
increase  of  business  does  not  appear.  Not  only  was 
it  unfinished,  but  it  was  neglected  and  forgotten,  and 
did  not  see  the  light  until  1543,  when  it  appeared  in 
Grafton's  continuation  of  Hardyng's  City  Chronicle. 
It  at  once  took  its  place  as  the  standard  account  of 
the  period  of  which  it  treated,  and  was  reprinted  by 
Hall,  Holinshed,  and  Stow.  In  the  original  publi- 
cation, however,  it  had  been  edited  carelessly  or 
garbled  intentionally,  and  in  the  collected  edition  of 
Mores  English  Works,  in  1557,  Rastell  gave,  for 
the  first  time,  the  true  copy  from  his  uncle's 
manuscript. 

Only  in  title  and  in  intention  is  the  work  a 
history  of  Richard  III.,  and  even  without  the  ex- 
press declaration  of  Rastell  it  would  have  been 
evident  that  it  was  incomplete.  To  go  no  further, 
the  second  page  of  the  history  shows  its  aim : 
"  this  Duke's  (Gloucester)  demeanour  ministreth  in 
effect  all  the  whole  matter  whereof  this  book  shall 
entreat."  3     As  printed  by  Rastell,  it  stops  abruptly 

1  Maxwell  Lyte,  History  of  University  of  Oxford,  p.  482. 

2  English  Works,  p.  35. 

3  Ibid.  p.  36.     Mackintosh,  Life  of  More,  p.  44,  note. 


LITERARY  WORK:  THE  'UTOPIA'  107 

just  after  the  murder  of  the  princes.  Incomplete 
as  it  is,  it  is  a  work  of  the  highest  value ;  and 
this  not  only  as  an  authority,  for  in  style  and 
method  it  far  surpasses  any  previous  history  written 
in  English.  A  question,  however,  arises  as  to  the 
part  More  took  in  its  composition.  May  it  not 
have  been  in  reality  the  work  of  Cardinal  Morton,1 
whether  in  design  or  in  execution  ?  Or  again,  was 
its  original  form  the  English  of  Rastell's  edition 
of  1557,  or  the  Latin  of  the  Louvain  edition  of 
1566  ?  Though  Morton  must  almost  certainly  have 
been  the  authority  from  whom  most  of  the  minute 
information  was  obtained,  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  history  as  published  by  Rastell  was  written 
by  More.  Nor  is  there  any  reason  to  suppose  that 
the  Latin  version  was  the  composition  of  Morton. 
The  one,  however,  is  not  a  translation  of  the  other, 
and  Mr.  Gairdner's  conclusion  is,  that  while  the 
English  history  is  certainly  More's,  there  is  "  no 
very  sufficient  ground  for  rejecting  the  voice  of 
tradition  which  ascribes  the  Latin  version  to  More 
also."  2 

So  much  for  the  authenticity  of  the  work  :  what 
then  is  its  value  ?  It  is  undoubtedly  written 
in  somewhat  of  a  partisan  spirit ;  there  is  no 
pretence  of  that  absolute  balance  of  judgment 
to  which  modern  historians  lay  claim.3  A  few 
statements   have    been   shown   not   to    be  severely 

1  Harrington,  Metamorphosis  of  Ajax,  p.  46.  Mr.  Clements 
Markham  has  also  argued  for  Morton's  authorship.  Eny.  Hist. 
Rev.  vol.  vi.  p.  807. 

2  Letters  of  Richard  II  f.  and  flrnrij  VII.  vol.  ii.  p.  xviii. 

3  Gairdner,  Early  Chroniclers,  p.  295. 


108  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

accurate,  but  the  main  question  depends  on  the 
view  of  Richard,  Duke  of  Gloucester,  which  is 
there  set  forth  with  so  much  force,  and  which  has 
been  impressed  on  the  popular  imagination  ever 
since.  Here  More  makes  no  timid  utterances : 
the  portrait,  whether  accurate  or  not,  is  distinct  and 
unmistakable.  The  first  mention  of  the  Duke  is 
decisive — "  Richard,  Duke  of  Gloucester,  by  nature 
their  uncle,  by  office  their  protector,  to  their  father 
beholden,  to  themselves  by  oath  and  allegiance 
bounden,  all  the  bands  broken  that  bind  man  and 
man  together  without  any  respect  of  God  or  of  the 
world,  unnaturally  contrived  to  bereave  them,  not 
only  of  their  dignity,  but  also  of  their  lives."1 

This  is  hardly  the  place  for  an  examination  of  the 
truth  of  More's  view ;  all  that  need  be  said  is  that 
recent  investigations  tend  more  and  more  to  confirm  it. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  the  later  period  of  the 
reign  is  never  reached ;  and  thus  there  is  no  opportu- 
nity for  a  judgment  on  the  general  policy  of  Richard 
as  king.  As  far  as  facts  are  concerned,  it  is  the  steps 
by  which  he  reached  the  throne  of  which  More  treats, 
and  it  is  on  Richard  as  a  man  that  condemnation  is 
passed. 

In  spite  of  all  that  has  been  said  about  the  in- 
tentional misrepresentations  of  Tudor  historians,  the 
considerations  of  ordinary  probability  would  lead  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  history  of  a  time  which  many 
of  its  readers  could  remember,  could  not  have  become 
so  extraordinarily  popular  if  it  had  not  been  in 
sentiment  and  substance  true.  Nor  had  a  sufficient 
1  Eng.  Works,  p.  36. 


LITERARY  WORK:  THE  'UTOPIA'  109 

period  elapsed  to  allow  of  the  falsification  of  facts  even 
if  false  theories  would  have  been  accepted.  More 
unquestionably  learnt  from  Morton ;  and  there  is  no 
sufficient  reason  to  think  that  Morton  lied. 

Of  the  literary  merit  of  the  history  there  cannot 
be  the  shadow  of  a  doubt.  The  story  is  unfolded 
with  admirable  clearness,  and  the  progress  of  events 
is  followed  by  the  reader  with  intense  interest.  The 
characters  are  drawn  with  remarkable  precision  and 
power,  and  the  speeches  are  not  the  rhetorical  off- 
spring of  the  historian's  imagination,  but  might  well 
be  the  direct  utterances  of  the  historical  characters 
themselves.  The  facts  tell  their  own  tale  untram- 
melled by  tedious  moral  commentary.  The  result  is 
that  an  extraordinarily  vivid  picture  is  presented,  the 
leading  features  of  which  are  impressed  upon  the 
mind  with  striking  and  peculiar  force.  The  characters 
of  Richard  of  Glo'ster  and  of  Jane  Shore,  the  scenes 
at  the  deathbed  of  Edward  IV.  and  in  the  council 
chamber  of  the  Tower  on  the  morning  of  Hastings' 
execution,  are  drawn  with  a  vivid  power  equal  to 
that  of  Macaulay.  From  a  literary  point  of  view  a 
double  interest  is  attached  to  this  work  of  More,  from 
the  use  made  of  it  by  Shakespeare,  in  whose  hands 
its  phrases  are  utilized  with  wonderful  skill.  The 
soliloquies  of  Richard,  the  dying  speech  of  Edward 
IV.,  and  the  whole  Hastings  episode  are  the  most 
prominent  examples ;  but  a  minor,  though  no  less 
insignificant,  instance,  is  the  use  of  chance  references 
to  Glo'ster's  restless  sleep. 

The  anonymous  life  in  the  Lambeth  library  says 
that  More  "  wrote  also  a  book  of  the  history  of  Henry 


110  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

VII.;  but  either  the  book  is  smothered  amongst  his 
kinsmen,  or  lost  by  the  injury  of  this  time."1  Of 
such  a  work  we  have  only  this  notice ;  and  inquiry 
or  conjecture  on  this  subject  have  been  at  present 
unfruitful. 

It  is  by  the  history  of  Richard  III.  that  More's 
place  as  a  historian  must  be  estimated.  It  was  he 
unquestionably  who  did  most  to  originate  the  histor- 
ical sympathy  for  the  Tudor  dynasty  which  has  been  so 
striking  a  feature  of  English  literature.  The  policy 
of  Henry  VII.  may  have  found  its  gratification  in  the 
material  prosperity  which  it  fostered,  and  even  may 
have  realized  during  the  first  year  of  Henry  VIII.  the 
width  of  the  interests  continental  and  cosmopolitan 
among  which  the  land  had  began  so  freely  and  power- 
fully to  move.  But  the  last  of  the  Plantagenets  died 
hard :  the  insecurity  of  the  first  Tudor's  throne 
had  shown  it :  and  it  needed  a  literary  masterpiece  to 
found  the  security  of  the  new  dynasty  on  the  horrors 
and  crimes  of  the  last  of  the  ancient  line.  More  save 
to  English  history  an  indelible  portrait  of  Richard 
Crookback,  and  in  giving  it,  his  clear  and  incisive 
style  taught  a  new  school  of  historians  to  write  so 
that  all  might  read.  With  More  history  passed  from 
the  monastery  into  the  market-place,  and  where  he 
began,  Holinshed,  Cavendish,  and  Stow  followed; 
and  Bacon  on  his  lines  gave  his  masterly  portrait 
of  Henry  VII. 

From  Richard  III.  to  the  Utopia  is  a  far  cry. 
We  pass  from  the  realism  of  historic  crime  to  the 
ideal  presentment  of  a  poetic  and  philanthropic 
1  Wordsworth's  Eccl.  Biog.  ii.  49. 


LITERARY   WORK:    THE   'UTOPIA'  111 

vision.  If  in  his  History  More  spoke  directly  to 
his  own  day,  in  his  Utopia  he  spoke  to  the  dim 
future.  From  the  Humanists  of  the  sixteenth 
century  to  the  Socialists  of  the  Victorian  age 
readers  have  read  and  re-read  it  with  unqualified 
delight. 

So  much  has  been  written  on  this  beautiful  idyll 
that  it  may  well  seem  that  no  aspect  of  it  has 
remained  unstudied ;  and  yet,  whether  in  the  clear 
dignity  of  the  original  Latin  or  in  the  quaint 
translation  of  Ralph  Robinson  ' — itself  an  English 
classic — it  is  as  fresh  to-day  as  when  it  was  first 
given  to  the  enthusiastic  world  of  scholars. 

The  Utopia  has  so  generally  been  accepted  as  a 
political  ideal  of  the  writer's,  or  as  a  dream  of  the 
distant  future,  that  its  practical  importance  has  been 
in  danger  of  being  forgotten.  It  is  by  no  means  in 
the  first  place  a  philosopher's  dream,  applicable  to 
all  time  :  it  is  a  scheme  of  very  practical  inquiry 

1  Of  many  good  editions,  perhaps  the  best  are  Mr.  Robert 
Roberts'  re-issue  (1878)  of  Dibdin's,  and  Mr.  Edward  Arber's 
reprint  (1869).  Robinson  first  published  his  version  in  1551. 
Of  the  other  renderings  that  have  appeared,  Bishop  Burnet's 
contains  some  trifling  improvements  in  accuracy  of  trans- 
lation, and  Mr.  Seebohm  in  some  of  the  notes  to  his  Oxford 
Reformers  has  given  the  exact  meaning  which  in  our  time 
we  attach  to  the  Latin  words  of  the  original;  but  such 
•alterations  are,  after  all,  but  half  benefits,  for  it  is  not  so 
important  to  translate  the  sixteenth -century  Latin  of  More 
with  all  the  refinements  of  modern  scholarship,  as  to  under- 
stand what  his  meaning  was  as  it  would  be  understood  by 
sixteenth-century  readers.  For  this  cause  Robinson's  trans- 
lation is  to  be  preferred,  for  its  very  quaintnesses,  even 
where  they  do  not  exactly  correspond  to  the  intention  of 
the  original,  have  an  intrinsic  value  which  must  not  be 
overlooked. 


112  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

and  construction,  which  receives  a  thousandfold 
more  force  when  read  by  the  light  of  sixteenth- 
century  history.  It  is,  in  fact,  an  earnest  examin- 
ation of  the  phenomena  of  More's  own  time, 
constructed  mainly  by  the  help  of  Plato. 

The  groundwork  of  the  Utopia  is  a  supposed 
conversation  between  the  writer,  when  a  guest  of 
Petrus  iEgidius,  at  Antwerp,  and  a  mariner  named 
Raphael  Hythlodaye,  who  had  sailed  with  the  navi- 
gator Amerigo  Vespucci.  Hythlodaye,  being  left 
behind  his  companions,  discovered  and  lived  for  five 
years  in  an  unknown  island  called  Utopia,  and  it  is 
his  account  of  his  sojourn  which  More  professes  to 
have  written  down.  The  idea  was  a  very  natural 
one  at  that  date.  Within  men's  memories  the 
barriers  which  seemed  of  old  to  shut  in  the  world 
had  all  been  cast  down,  and  a  limitless  extent  of  un- 
known land  lay  before  the  imagination  of  the  age. 
The  results  of  the  voyages  of  the  great  explorers 
had  been  so  marvellous  that  nothing  in  discovery 
could  seem  too  wonderful  to  be  true.  At  the 
very  time  when  the  intellectual  world  was  being 
rejuvenated  by  the  power  of  the  ancient  literatures, 
its  imagination  was  aroused  and  its  sympathies 
were  quickened  by  the  revelation  of  a  New  World. 
What  wonder  then  if  the  men  who  awoke  to  the 
realization  of  the  terrible  evils  of  the  social  and 
political  organization  in  which  they  lived  should 
fondly  hope  to  find  in  the  New  World  a  society 
purer  than  their  own?  This  longing  created  its 
own  answer.  The  earnest  thinkers  of  Europe 
yearned   for  the  explorers   to  find  an  ideal   State. 


LITERARY   WORK:   THE  'UTOPIA'  113 

More    sailed    over   the   sea   of    troubles    in   which 
England  was  set,  and  discovered  Utopia. 

It  was  indeed  the  discovery  of  a  new  land,  a 
revelation  of  beauty  and  righteousness  to  that 
hardened  age.  Instead  of  empty  glitter  and  show, 
there  was  a  deep  and  simple  pleasure,  so  pure  and 
yet  so  enticing  that  the  most  constant  courtier 
mio-ht  si°h  when  he  thouo-ht  of  its  contrast  to  his 
own.  The  great  aim  of  the  Utopia  was  to  point 
out  the  evil  of  certain  conditions  of  life,  and  to 
suggest  remedies,  by  placing  a  perfectly  different 
state  before  men's  minds.  More's  book,  in  fact,  was 
eminently  practical :  he  had  no  pet  theory  or  philo- 
sophic craze  to  establish.  He  endeavoured  merely 
to  declare  the  wrongs  which  the  age  tolerated; 
trusting  that  when  they  were  plainly  and  unanswer- 
ably set  forth  men  would  have  no  difficulty  in 
redressing  them. 

As  has  been  already  stated,  the  second  book  of 
the  Utopia  was  written  some  months  before  the 
first,  probably  about  November  1515,  while  the 
work  was  completed  in  the  earlier  months  of 
1516. 

The  work  in  the  first  edition  x  was  prefaced  by 
various  letters  and  poems,  complimentary  and  intro- 
ductory. In  these  the  fiction  was  maintained  with 
solemn  gravity.  Apologizing  for  the  delay  which 
had  taken  place  between  the  publication  of  the 
book  and  the  conversation  which  it  recorded,  More, 

1  "  Libellvs  vere  aurevs  nee  minvs  salvtaria  ouam  festiuus, 
de  optimo  reip.  statu  digne  una  Insula  Vtopia."  Louvain, 
1516. 

I 


114  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

blending  truth  with  fable,  gave  a  very  interesting 
account  of  his  daily  work. 

"  Whiles x  I  do  daily  bestow  my  time  about  law 
matters  :  some  to  plead,  some  to  hear,  some  as 
arbitrator  with  mine  award  to  determine,  some  as 
an  umpire  or  judge  with  my  sentence  finally 
to  discuss.  Whiles  I  go  one  way  to  see  and  visit 
my  friend :  another  way  about  mine  own  private 
affairs.  Whiles  I  spend  almost  all  the  day  abroad 
amongst  other  and  the  residue  at  home  among 
mine  own  :  I  leave  to  myself,  I  mean  to  my  book, 
no  time.  For  when  I  am  come  home,  I  must  com- 
mune with  my  wife,  chat  with  my  children,  and  talk 
with  my  servants.  All  the  which  things  I  reckon 
and  account  among  business  for  as  much  as  they 
must  of  necessity  be  done:  and  done  must  they 
needs  be  unless  a  man  will  be  stranger  in  his  own 
house.  And  in  any  wise  a  man  must  so  fashion 
and  order  his  conditions,  and  so  appoint  and  dispose 
himself,  that  he  be  merry,  jocund,  and  pleasant 
among  them,  whom  either  nature  hath  provided,  or 
chance  hath  made,  or  he  himself  hath  chosen,  to  be 
the  fellows  and  companions  of  his  life :  so  that  with 
too  much  gentle  behaviour  and  familiarity  he  do 
not  mar  them,  and  by  too  much  sufferance  of  his 
servants  make  them  his  masters.  Among  these 
things  now  rehearsed  stealeth  away  the  day,  the 
month,  the  year.  And  when  do  I  write  then  ? 
And  all  this  while  have  I  spoken  no  word  of  sleep, 
neither  yet  of  meat,  which  among  a  great  number 
doth  waste  no  less  time  '  than  doth  sleep,  wherein 
1  Utopia,  Robinson's  translation,  p.  21. 


LITERARY  WORK:  THE  'UTOPIA'  115 

almost  half  the  lifetime  of  man  creepeth  away. 
I  therefore  do  win  and  get  only  that  time  which 
I  steal  from  sleep  and  meat." 

After  this  passage  the  fiction  is  continued,  and 
many  little  details  are  thrown  in  to  complete  the 
deception.  More  concludes  the  letter  to  Petrus 
iEgidius  by  a  question  whether  after  all,  consider- 
ing the  ignorance,  dullness,  and  perversity  of  many 
men,  he  is  wise  in  publishing  the  record. 

In  the  letter  of  iEgidius  to  Busleiden,  also  pre- 
faced to  the  book  itself,  Hythlodaye's  power  of 
narration  is  very  highly  commended,  but  More's 
work  is  still  more  warmly  praised.  "  I  promise  you," 
says  iEgidius,  "  I  can  scarce  believe  that  Raphael 
himself,  by  all  that  five  years'  space  that  he  was 
in  Utopia  abiding,  saw  there  so  much  as  here  in 
Master  More's  description  is  to  be  seen  and  per- 
ceived." The  whole  origin  of  the  fiction  is  touched 
when  iEgidius  explains  the  absence  of  Utopia  from 
the  charts  of  the  ancient  geographers;  perhaps  its 
name  has  been  changed,  but  "  now  in  our  time 
divers  lands  be  found  which  to  the  old  geographers 
were  unknown."  Numberless  other  instances  of 
similar  treatment  might  be  pointed  out ;  and  there 
can  be  no  wonder  that  when  men  were  deceived 
by  the  Epistolae  Ohscurorum  Virorum  they  should 
be  duped  by  the  Utopia. 

The  first  book  begins  by  an  accurate  description  of 
More's  embassy  and  of  his  introduction  to  ^Egidius. 
To  this  succeeds  a  minute  description  of  his  meet- 
ing with  Raphael  Hythlodaye  in  the  cathedral  of 
Antwerp,  and  of  their   subsequent   converse    on   a 


116  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

bench  outside  More's  house.  From  this  point  the 
real  importance  of  the  study  begins ;  hitherto  in  the 
prefatory  letters  and  the  introductory  narrative  the 
basis  on  which  the  work  is  to  rest  has  been  laid  ; 
now  we  are  at  once  brought  face  to  face  with  the 
evils  which  More  deplored  and  to  expose  which 
was  his  main  object  in  writing.1 

While  in  the  first  book  certain  political  and  social 
questions  of  the  time  are  discussed,  and  in  the 
second  the  commonwealth  of  Utopia  is  described, 
the  division  between  the  two  books  is  really  an 
arbitrary  one.  The  object  of  both  is  the  same, 
though  the  end  is  obtained  in  one  case  by  the  direct 
reprobation  of  evils,  and  in  the  other  generally  by 
inference  from  the  perfect  State  the  constitution 
of  which  is  described.  To  all  appearance,  More, 
after  he  had  written  the  second  book,  saw  that 
the  nature  of  the  fiction  would  prevent  it  contain- 
ing much  that  he  wished  to  declare ;  he  therefore 
wrote  an  introductory  book  in  which  he  expressed 
his  meaning  more  fully.  The  first  book,  then,  is 
so  plainly  the  necessary  complement  of  the  second, 
that  the  evils  of  which  More  complained  may  be 
gathered  indifferently  from  each. 

We  have,  firstly,  the  objections  to  taking  service 
at  any  Court,  put  into  the  mouth  of  Hythlodaye.2 
Although  More  is  represented  as  answering  them, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  they  were  substantially 
his  own  views.  His  political  life  will  show  that 
it   was   only  with   great  reluctance,  and   when   he 

1  Erasm.  Epp.  x.  30. 

2  R.  Robinson's  translation,  p.  35. 


LITERARY   WORK:    THE   'UTOPIA'  117 

had  made  public  these  very  declarations  of  its  evils, 
that  he  had  entered  the  royal  service.  Not  only, 
then,  does  Hythlodaye  desire  no  riches  or  honours 
for  himself,  but  he  has  no  faith  in  his  being  able 
to  do  any  good  for  the  State,  by  taking  a  posi- 
tion at  Court.  For  most  princes  delight  only  in 
war  and  feats  of  chivalry  ("  the  knowledge  whereof  I 
neither  have  nor  desire  "),  and  seek  to  increase  their 
possessions  by  fair  means  or  foul.  Not  only  is 
submission  to  their  will  in  this  matter  obligatory 
on  a  courtier ;  but  the  great  ministers  also  must  be 
obeyed  and  flattered.  Nor  is  there  hope  of  any 
reform ;  for  all  advice  is  met  by  a  resolute  determin- 
ation to  resist  every  change :  the  minister  when 
asked  to  ameliorate  distress  is  a  consistent  "  laudator 
temporis  acti."  "  These  things,  say  they,  pleased  our 
forefathers  and  ancestors :  would  God  we  could  be  as 
wise  as  they  were."  These  evils  are  common  to  all 
European  Courts,  and  every  reader  of  sixteenth- 
century  history  will  be  able  to  give  instances  of  their 
truth.  Hythlodaye  then  turns  to  speak  especially  of 
England.  He  significantly  introduces  his  observa- 
tions by  saying  that  they  were  the  substance  of  a 
conversation  which  took  place  in  the  house  of 
Cardinal  Morton,  four  or  five  months  after  the 
Cornish  insurrection  of  1495  x ;  and  we  can  perhaps 
hardly  be  wrong  in  inferring  that  it  was  this  very 
revolt  which  first  drew  More's  attention  to  the  social 
wrongs  of  his  time. 

The  first  of  the  great  evils  in  England  is  the  wholc- 
sale   execution   of  thieves,2   often  "  twenty   hanged 

1  R.  Robinson's  translation,  p.  30.  2  Page  'M  et  sen. 


118  SIR   THOMAS   MORE 

together  on  one  gallows."  This  severity  is  useless; 
"  much  rather  provision  should  have  been  made  that 
there  were  some  means  whereby  they  might  get 
their  living,  so  that  no  man  should  be  driven  to  this 
extreme  necessity,  first  to  steal  and  then  to  die." 
In  answer  to  objections  it  is  asserted  that  this 
infliction  of  the  capital  penalty  submits  God's  ordin- 
ance to  man's  judgment.  The  sanctity  of  human  life 
was  declared  by  the  Mosaic  Law,  by  which  theft 
was  not  punished  with  death,  and  we  cannot  think 
"  that  God  in  the  new  law  of  clemency  and  mercy  " 
has  given  license  to  greater  cruelty.  And  not  only 
is  the  punishment  in  the  highest  sense  unlawful : 
it  is  also  unreasonable.  The  law  which  lays  the 
same  penalty  on  the  murderer  and  the  thief  is  an 
encouragement  to  murder. 

The  whole  history  of  the  English  statute  book  is  a 
commentary  on  these  noble  words  of  More.  As  we 
pursue  the  slow  record  of  the  gradual  restriction  of 
the  extreme  sentence  of  the  law,  we  wonder  again 
that  a  truth  so  clearly  expressed  in  the  sixteenth 
century  should  have  been  so  long  in  winning  recog- 
nition even  from  intelligent  thinkers.  Sad  indeed  is 
the  satire  on  men's  slowness  to  learn  the  simple 
lessons  of  Christianity,  when  we  remember  that  a 
later  generation  was  aroused  not  by  the  arguments 
of  More,  but  by  those  of  Beccaria.  In  the  time  of 
Henry  VIII.  there  seemed  a  terrible  necessity  for 
the  wholesale  executions  which  marked  his  reign ; 
and  there  were  not  wanting  eminent  and  humane 
thinkers  to  defend  them  on  practical  grounds. 
England  was  overrun  by  "  sturdy  beggars."     In  the 


LITERARY  WORK:   THE  'UTOPIA'  119 

towns  skilled  labour  was  well  paid,  but  in  the 
country  the  great  change  in  the  agricultural  system 
had  led  to  fearful  misery ;  men,  as  More  said,  were 
forced  to  be  thieves,  and  the  result,  in  the  words  of 
Latimer,  was  that  "two  acres  of  hemp  sown  up  and 
down  England  would  be  all  too  little  to  hang  the 
thieves  in  it."1  More,  however,  is  not  without  his 
own  opinion  as  to  what  should  be  the  punishment 
of  thieves.  He  refers  to  the  Roman  custom  of  set- 
ting the  criminals  to  work  in  mines,  and  recommends 
the  practice  of  an  imaginary  people  called  the  "  Poly- 
lerites."  This  passage,  in  spite  of  a  touch  of  what 
we  should  call  insular  narrowness,  is  an  exquisite 
picture  of  an  ideal  society.2  "  Their  land  is  both 
large  and  ample,  and  also  well  and  wittily  governed  : 
and  the  people  in  all  conditions  free  and  ruled  by 
their  own  laws,  saving  that  they  pay  a  yearly  tribute 
to  the  great  King  of  Persia.  But  because  they  be  far 
from  the  sea,  compassed  and  enclosed  almost  round 
about  with  high  mountains,  and  do  content  them- 
selves with  the  fruits  of  their  own  land,  which  is  of 
itself  very  fruitful  and  fertile  :  for  this  cause  neither 
they  go  to  other  countries  nor  other  come  to  them. 
And  according  to  old  custom  of  the  land  they  desire 
not  to  enlarge  the  bounds  of  their  dominions :  and 
those  that  they  have  by  reason  of  the  high  hills 
be  easily  defended  :  and  the  tribute  which  they  pay 
to  their  chief  lord  and  king  setteth  them  free  from 
tribute.  Thus  their  life  is  commodious  rather  than 
gallant,  and  may  better  be  called  happy  or  wealthy 

1  Of.  Erasmus  to  Henry  VIII.  ;  Brewer,  L>  tters  unci  Tapers, 
Uervry  VIII.,  iii.  220.  2  Utopia,  pp.  47,  48. 


120  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

than  notable  or  famous."  Among  these  people 
thieves  are  compelled  to  restore  what  they  have 
stolen,  to  the  rightful  owner — "  not  as  they  do  in 
other  lands,  to  the  king, -whom  they  think  to  have 
no  more  right  to  it  than  the  thief  himself  hath  " — 
and  then  to  become  bondmen.  They  are  well 
treated  ;  but  a  number  of  precautions  are  taken  to 
prevent  their  running  away  or  conspiring  against  the 
State.  Death  is  the  punishment  of  those  bondmen 
who  accept  alms  in  money,  or  give  money  to  any  one, 
or  touch  alms,  or  cast  off  their  distinctive  badges,  or 
talk  with  a  bondman  of  another  shire.  More  seems 
here  to  forget  his  own  canon  of  the  authority  of  the 
Mosaic  Law ;  for,  if  it  is  not  allowable  for  the 
English  Government  to  take  life  for  any  crime  but 
murder,  why  does  he,  through  the  mouth  of  Hyth- 
lodaye,  praise  the  wisdom  of  the  Polylerites? 
Cardinal  Morton  is  at  length  made  to  join  in 
the  conversation — which  had  hitherto  been  carried 
on  by  Hythlodaye  and  a  lawyer — and  to  admit  that 
it  might  be  allowable  in  England  for  the  King  to 
reprieve  those  condemned  to  death  in  order  to  see  if 
their  plan  would  succeed.  And  it  would  be  equally 
applicable  to  vagabonds.  Of  these  plans  for  treating 
thieves  Ave  can  only  say  that  they  are  inconsistent 
and  inadequate.  To  return ;  other  evils  have  been 
introduced  as  causing  the  great  number  of  thieves 
and  vagabonds.  The  abuse  of  livery  is  commented 
on  in  justly  severe  terms,  and  needs  no  special 
notice  here.  Nor  need  we  dwell  on  More's  con- 
demnation of  the  enormous  luxury  of  the  age. 
The  agricultural  distress  which  had  followed  the 


LITERARY   WORK:   THE   'UTOPIA'  121 

change  of  arable  land  into  pasture,  and  on  the 
raising  of  the  rents,  is  pointed  out  with  deep  feel- 
ing: "  Therefore  that  one  covetous  and  insatiable 
cormorant  may  compass  about  and  enclose  many 
thousand  acres  of  ground  together  within  one  pale 
or  hedge,  the  husbandmen  be  thrust  out  of  their 
own,  or  by  violent  oppression  they  be  put  beside  it, 
or  by  wrongs  and  injuries  they  be  so  wearied  that 
they  be  compelled  to  sell  all :  by  one  means,  there- 
fore, or  another,,  either  by  hook  or  crook,  they  must 
needs  depart  away,  poor,  silly,  wretched  souls,  men, 
women,  husbands,  wives,  fatherless  children,  widows, 
woful  mothers  with  their  young  babes,  and  their 
whole  household,  small  in  substance  and  much  in 
number,  as  husbandry  requireth  many  hands.  Away 
they  trudge,  out  of  their  known  and  accustomed 
houses,  finding  no  place  to  rest  in.  And  their  house- 
hold stuff,  which  is  very  little  worth,  though  it  might 
well  abide  the  sale  ;  yet,  being  suddenly  thrust  out, 
they  be  constrained  to  sell  it  for  a  thing  of  nought. 
And  when  they  have  wandered  abroad  till  that  be 
spent,  what  can  they  then  else  do  but  steal,  and  then, 
justly,  pardy,  be  hanged  or  else  go  about  a  begging."  1 
Then  More  put  before  the  learned  world  of  Europe 
the  complaint  of  the  poor.  On  all  sides  we  meet 
with  confirmation  of  his  statements :  Brinklow, 
Latimer,  Starkey,  deplored  what  Kett  rashly  tried 
to  remedy. 

Such  are  some  of  the  evils  which  England  suffers ; 
and    More  sadly  asks  why  Hythlodaye,  as  a  philo- 
sopher,  will    not    be   the    King's   instructor,   since 
1  Page  41. 


122  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

Plato's  ideal  of  the  philosopher  king  seems  far  from 
fulfilment.  Then  we  return  to  the  reasons  against 
Court  service,1  for  Hythlodaye  replies  by  a  bitter 
description  of  the  French  foreign  policy,  and  demands 
how  his  advice  would  be  taken  if  he  were  to  tell  the 
French  King  that  "  it  were  best  for  him  to  content 
himself  with  his  own  kingdom  of  France  as  his  fore- 
fathers and  predecessors  did  before  him;  to  make 
much  of  it,  to  enrich  it  and  to  make  it  as  flourishing 
as  he  could,  to  endeavour  himself  to  love  his  sub- 
jects and  again  to  be  beloved  of  them,  willing  to  live 
with  them,  peaceably  to  govern  them,  and  with  other 
kingdoms  not  to  meddle  seeing  that  which  he  hath 
already  is  even  enough  for  him,  yea,  and  more  than 
he  can  well  turn  him."  Obviously,  he  would  not 
be  heard  for  a  moment.  It  needs  little  sagacity  to 
see  the  bearing  of  this  passage  on  the  politics  of 
England  under  Henry  VIII.  Other  grievances  from 
which  the  people  suffer  are  then  brought  forward,  in 
a  remarkable  passage  where  More,  especially  glancing 
at  the  particular  acts  of  tyranny  for  which  Henry 
VII.  was  responsible,  seems  to  foresee  the  expedients 
of  the  whole  Tudor  dynasty  and  even  of  the  Stewarts 
— such  as  tampering  with  the  coinage,  wars  feigned 
for  the  sake  of  exacting  subsidies,  the  enforcement 
of  obsolete  laws,  the  use  of  the  dispensing  power 
for  the  sake  of  pecuniary  profit,  the  bribing  and 
coercion  of  the  judges.  "  If  I  should  rise  up,"  he 
says,  "  and  boldly  affirm  that  all  these  counsels  be 
to  the  king  dishonour  and  reproach,  whose  honour 
and  safety  is  more  and  rather  supported  and  up- 
1  Page  55  et  seq. 


LITERARY  WORK:   THE   'UTOPIA'  123 

hold  en  by  the  wealth  and  riches  of  his  people  than 
by  his  own  treasures :  and  if  I  should  declare  that 
the  commonalty  chooseth  the  king  for  their  own 
sake  and  not  for  his  own  sake :  to  the  intent  that  by 
his  labour  and  study  they  might  all  live  wealthy, 
safe  from  wrongs  and  injuries,  and  that  therefore  the 
kino*  ought  to  take  more  care  for  the  wealth  of  the 
people  than  for  his  own  wealth,  even  as  the  office 
and  duty  of  a  shepherd  is  in  that  he  is  a  shepherd  to 
feed  his  sheep  rather  than  himself,  what  heed  would 
they  pay  ? "  He  continues  in  the  same  strain,  laying- 
down  in  terms  that  seem  to  belong  in  turn  to  the 
fourteenth  and  to  the  nineteenth  century,1  a  theory 
of  the  duties  of  a  king  such  as  was  rarely  heard  in 
his  time.  Then  returning  again  to  the  main  question, 
More  says  that  because-  good  advice  or  the  highest 
rules  of  government  would  be  unheeded  at  Court,  a 
philosopher  ought  not  to  refuse  his  help  to  a  king : 
"  you  must  not  forsake  the  ship  in  a  tempest  because 
you  cannot  rule  and  keep  down  the  winds."  Yet 
Hythlodaye  still  holds  his  opinion,  and  declares  that 
there  can  be  no  amelioration  of  existing  evils  until 
the  State  is  constituted  on  communistic  principles. 
Here  the  arguments  are  marshalled  with  great  skill, 
and  little  space  is  allotted  to  the  answers  to  them ; 
but  the  question  remains,  how  far  were  these  More's 
own  opinions  ?  It  is  possible  that,  looking  at'  the 
condition  of  his  own  time,  at  the  coarse  luxury  of  the 
upper  and  the  degradation  of  the  lower  classes,  he 

1  E.  rj.  the  king  is  "to  live  of  his  own."  We  may  wonder  if 
More  knew  the  history  of  this  ruinous  phrase,  oi  thought 
merely  of  its  recent  use  ;  vide  Rolls  of  Parlt,  G  Hen.  VIII.  c.  24. 


124  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

may  have  conceived  that  redress  could  be  obtained 
by  a  restoration  of  the  primitive  practice  of  Christi- 
anity, a  voluntary  and  temporary  communism.  It  is 
a  question  impossible  to  decide ;  it  can  only  be  said 
that  there  is  no  support  whatever  in  any  other  of 
bis  works  to  any  socialistic  scheme.  The  passage 
referred  to  runs  thus — "  Howbeit l  where  the  posses- 
sions be  private,  where  money  beareth  all  the  stroke, 
it  is  hard  and  almost  impossible  that  there  the 
commonwealth  may  justly  be  governed  and  prosper- 
ously flourish.  Unless  you  think  thus — that  justice 
is  there  executed  where  all  things  come  into  the 
hands  of  evil  men,  or  that  prosperity  there  flourisheth 
where  all  is  divided  among  a  few ;  which  few  never- 
theless do  not  lead  their  lives  very  wealthily  and  the 
residue  live  miserably,  wretchedly,  and  beggarly.  .  . 
For  where  every  man  under  certain  titles  and  pre- 
tences draweth  and  plucketh  to  himself  as  much  as 
he  can  so  that  a  few  divide  among  themselves  all  the 
whole  riches,  be  there  never  so  much  abundance  and 
store,  there  to  the  residue  is  left  lack  and  poverty. 
And  for  the  most  part  it  chanceth  that  this  latter 
sort  is  more  worthy  to  enjoy  that  state  of  wealth  than 
the  other  be :  because  the  rich  be  covetous,  crafty, 
and  unprofitable.  On  the  other  part  the  poor  be 
lowly,  simple,  and  by  their  labour  more  profitable  to 
the  commonwealth  than  to  themselves.  Thus  I  do 
fully  persuade  myself  that  no  equal  and  just  distri- 
bution of  things  can  be  made,  nor  that  perfect 
wealth  shall  ever  be  among  men,  unless  this  private 
ownership  be  exiled  and  banished.  But  so  long  as 
1  Pasie  67. 


LITERARY   WORK:   THE   'UTOPIA'  125 

it  shall  continue,  so  long  shall  remain  among  the 
most  and  best  part  of  men  the  heavy  and  inevitable 
burden  of  poverty  and  wretchedness."  The  com- 
munistic society,  says  Hythlodaye,  is  to  be  seen  in 
the  utmost  prosperity  in  the  New  World. 

Here  the  first  book  ends.  In  the  second,  Utopia, 
the  communistic  state,  is  described.  So  far  the 
actual  evils  from  which  England  was  then  suffering 
have  been  plainly  set  forth :  now  we  see  them 
rather  by  inference  from  the  perfect  constitution  of 
Utopia. 

There  is  no  need  to  linger  on  the  description  of 
the  island,  of  the  method  by  which  the  inhabitants  in 
turn  spend  two  years  in  the  country,  of  the  "  strange 
fashion  in  hatching  and  bringing  up  pulleyne,"  or 
other  schemes  which  are  in  turn  serious  suggestions 
or  simply  humours  to  preserve  the  spirit  of  the 
fiction,  in  which  there  is  so  curious  a  blending  of 
jest  and  earnest.  The  description  of  the  typical 
city,  Amaurote,  is  more  tangible ;  and  the  marginal 
note  of  the  translator  is  not  needed  to  point  out  that 
London  is  always  in  the  writer's  mind.  The  beauti- 
ful houses  with  their  gardens  and  vineyards  behind  ; 
the  streets  twenty  feet  broad,  with  public  halls  at 
equal  distances — everything  clean,  public,  and  pros- 
perous, because  all  was  common — are  a  strange 
contrast  to  the  houses  "made  of  every  rude  piece 
of  timber  that  came  first  to  hand,  with  mud  walls, 
and  ridged  roofs,  thatched  over  with  straw,"  which 
"their  old  chronicler"  described  as  having  existed 
long  ago  in  Utopia,  and  which  the  eyes  of  every 
reader  of  More's  book  saw  all  around,  replenished 


126  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

"  with  much  uncleanness  and  filth,  with  pits,  cellars 
and  vaults  lying  open  and  uncovered,  to  the  great 
peril  and  danger  of  the  inhabitants."1  The  work 
of  every  household  is  brought  to  the  market-places 
whence  the  heads  of  families  take  whatever  they 
need  ;  there  is  no  sale  or  barter.  There  are  meat 
markets  also  ;  but  the  slaughter-houses  are  outside 
the  city,  and  the  meat  is  only  brought  within 
the  walls  when  it  has  been  thoroughly  cleansed. 
"  Neither  they  suffer  anything  that  is  filthy,  loath- 
some, or  unclean,  to  be  brought  into  the  city,  lest 
the  air  by  the  stench  thereof  infected  and  corrupt 
should  cause  pestilent  diseases."  With  this  one  can- 
not but  compare  the  accounts  of  the  terrible  sweat- 
insf  sickness  with  which  the  histories  of  the  time  are 
charged.  By  this  fearful  scourge  Wolsey  was  several 
times  stricken  down;  and  the  King  but  narrowly 
escaped.  In  More's  own  household  his  favourite 
daughter  was  brought  to  death's  door ;  and  his 
friend  Ammonius  died  after  a  day's  illness.  Con- 
stantly recurring  during  the  reign,  it  was  especially 
severe  during  the  years  1516, 1517,  and  1518.  When 
in  attendance  on  the  King  at  Abingdon  during  the 
last  year,  More  himself  had  to  take  precautions  for 
the  safety  of  the  Court.2 

The  sickness  had  broken  out  at  Oxford ;  More  at 
once  sent  orders  to  the  Mayor  "  that  the  inhabitants 
of  those  houses  that  be  and  shall  be  infected  shall 
keep  in,  put  out  wispes,  and  bear  white  rods,"  which 

1  32  Henry  VIII.  cap.  18. 

1  Dr.  John  Clerk  to  Wolsey,  25  April,  1508  ;  Brewer,  ii. 
4125. 


LITERARY   WORK  :   THE   '  UTOPIA  '  127 

was  the  precaution  that  Wolsey  had  previously 
directed  to  be  observed  in  London.  The  fearful 
ravages  of  this  plague  are  not  to  be  wondered  at 
when  we  recall  Erasmus's  description  of  the  condition 
of  the  houses  and  streets  in  his  time,  which  gives  a 
pathetic  force  of  contrast  to  More's  picture  of  the 
Utopian  towns.  Erasmus  attributed  the  spreading 
of  the  sickness  to  "  bad  houses  and  bad  ventilation, 
to  the  clay  floors,  the  unchanged  and  festering 
rushes  with  which  the  rooms  were  strewn,  and  the 
putrid  offal,  bones,  and  filth  which  reeked  and 
rotted  together  in  the  unswept  and  unwashed  dining 
halls  and  chambers." x  In  Utopia  not  only  was  all 
precaution  taken  to  preserve  the  public  health,  but 
the  most  tender  care  was  bestowed  on  the  sick. 
Heights  of  social  benevolence  are  here  reached 
which  with  all  our  vast  and  sympathetic  organiza- 
tions we  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  yet  realized.  ■%[" 
"  In  the  circuit  of  the  city,  a  little  within  the 
walls,  they  have  four  hospitals,  so  big,  so  wide, 
so  ample  and  so  large,  that  they  may  seem  four 
little  towns ;  which  were  devised  of  that  bigness, 
partly  to  the  intent  the  sick,  be  they  never  so  many 
in  number,  should  not  lie  so  throng  or  strait,  and 
therefore  uneasily,  and  partly  that  they  which  were 
taken  and  holden  with  contagious  diseases,  such  as 
be  wont  by  infection  to  creep  from  one  to  another, 
might  be  laid  apart,  far  from  the  company  of  the 
residue.  These  hospitals  be  so  well  appointed  and 
with  all  things  necessary  to  health  so  furnished, 
and  moreover  so  diligent  attendance  through  the 
1  Brewer,  pref.  to  vol.  ii.  p.  ccix. 


1     ^ 


128  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

continual  presence  of  cunning  physicians  is  given, 
that  though  no  man  be  sent  thither  against  his  will, 
yet  notwithstanding,  there  is  no  sick  person  in  all 
the  city  that  had  not  rather  lie  there  than  at  home 
in  his  own  house." 

The  government  of  Utopia  is  somewhat  compli- 
cated ;  but  the  distinguishing  feature  is  the  responsi- 
bility of  the  Prince,  whose  office  is  elective,  to  the 
people,  by  whom  he  can  be  deposed  for  suspicion  of 
tyranny. 

The  chapter  "  of  sciences,  crafts,  and  occupations  " 
is  one  of  the  most  interesting  in  the  book,  as 
breathing  a  spirit  of  enlightened  humanity  of  which 
few  traces  are  to  be  found  in  the  history  or  legisla- 
tion of  the  Tudor  sovereigns,  and  as  anticipating 
the  conclusioDS  to  which  public  opinion  has  but 
gradually  and  recently  been  brought.  All  the 
Utopians,  men  and  women,  learn  husbandry,  besides 
which  every  one  has  a  trade.  "  And  the  chief  and 
almost  only  office  of  the  Syphograuntes  is  to  see 
and  take  heed  that  no  man  sit  idle ;  but  that 
every  one  apply  his  own  craft  with  earnest  dili- 
gence. And  yet  for  all  that  not  to  be  wearied 
from  early  in  the  morning  till  late  in  the  even- 
ing with  continual  work,  like  labouring  and  toil- 
ing beasts.  For  this  is  worse  than  the  miserable 
and  wretched  condition  of  bondmen,  which  never- 
theless is  almost  everywhere  the  life  of  workmen 
and  artificers  saving  in  Utopia."  There  the  workmen 
work  only  for  six  hours  :  yet  there  is  no  lack  of  "all 
things  that  be  requisite  either  for  the  necessity  or 
commodity  of  life."     This  is  possible  since  all  work, 


LITERARY  WORK:   THE   'UTOPIA'  129 

whereas  in  Christendom,  women,  priests,  and  rich 
men  are  generally  idle,  besides  the  many  engaged 
in  "vain  and  superfluous  occupations."  The 
Utopians  have,  however,  a  few  citizens  who  are  set 
apart  and  devoted  to  learning,  and  perform  no 
handicraft.  From  these  are  chosen  the  '  Philarchs,' 
and  officers  of  state.  Finally  "  in  the  institution 
of  that  commonwealth  this  end  is  only  and  chiefly 
pretended  and  minded,  that  what  time  may  pos- 
sibly be  spared  from  the  necessary  occupations  and 
affairs  of  the  commonwealth,  all  that  the  citizens 
should  withdraw  from  the  bodily  service  to  the  free 
liberty  of  the  mind  and  garnishing  of  the  same. 
For  herein  they  suppose  the  felicity  of  their  life  to 

consist." 

Over  bopulation\  they  avoid  by  migration  and 
colonization:  what  one  city  lacks  in  goods  another 
supplies.  Families  live  together :  all  the  sons, 
married  or  single,  under  the  rule  of  the  eldest  of 
the  house.  It  need  hardly  be  said  that  in  all  that 
relates  to  the  position  of  women  and  their  relation 
to  the  children  there  is  an  entire  and  fundamental 
divergence  from  the  famous  doctrines  of  the  Re- 
public :  natural  affection  is  glorified,  not  abased.  All 
dine  in  the  public  halls,  except  for  urgent  cause. 
"  They  begin  every  dinner  and  supper  with  reading 
something  that  pertains  to  good  manners  and  virtue. 
But  it  is  short,  because  no  man  shall  be  grieved 
therewith.  Hereof  the  elders  take  occasion  of  honest 
communication,  but  neither  sad  nor  unpleasant. 
Howto  it  tiny  do  not  spend  all  the  whole  dinner 
time  themselves  with   lung  tedious  talks,  but  they 

K 


130  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

gladly  hear  also  the  young  men, — yea,  and  purposely 
provoke  them  to  talk  to  the  intent  that  they  may 
have  a  proof  of  every  man's  wit  and  towardness, 
or  disposition  to  virtue,  which  commonly  by  the 
liberty  of  feature  doth  show  and  utter  itself." 

Such  is  the  common  life  of  the  Utopians ;  cheer- 
ful, innocent,  happy :  and  as  More  after  writing  the 
beautiful  description  of  his  ideal  would  leave  the 
library  in  his  "  New  Lodging  "  and  walk  across  the 
soft  turf  to  his  house  he  may  well  have  thought 
how  nearly  it  was  realized  in  his  own  family,  and 
have  forgotten,  perhaps,  how  very  exceptional  were 
the  causes  required  to  establish  such  a  home. 

The  Utopians  trade  in  all  the  things  of  which 
they  have  a  superfluity.  Of  the  price  they  always 
give  one-seventh  to  the  poor  of  the  country  where 
they  trade.  Now,  however,  they  no  longer  ask 
immediate  payment  for  their  goods,  but  leave  the 
money  in  charge  of  the  foreign  magistrates,  of 
whom  they  demand  it  in  case  of  war.  Gold  and 
silver  they  consider  base  things,  and  use  them  for 
the  meanest  purposes.  "  To  gold  and  silver  Nature 
hath  given  no  use  that  we  may  not  well  lack,  if  that 
the  folly  of  men  had  not  set  it  in  higher  estimation 
for  the  rareness'  sake.  But,  of  the  contrary  part, 
Nature  as  a  most  tender  and  loving  mother  hath 
placed  the  best  and  most  necessary  things  open 
abroad ;  as  the  air,  the  water,  and  the  earth 
itself;  and  hath  removed  and  put  further  from  us 
vain  and  unprofitable  things."  Here  More  abandons 
himself  to  his  humour,  and  gives  a  picture,  ludicrous 
enough,  of  the  pains  the  Utopians  take  to  show  the 


LITERARY   WORK:   THE   'UTOPIA'  131 

low  value  they  set  on  gold,  silver,  and  precious 
stones;  resuming  his  serious  tone  in  a  description  of 
the  evils  of  a  plutocracy. 

In  Utopia  education  is  carefully  considered :  the 
inhabitants  are  as  well  instructed  as  we  are,  save 
that  they  have  not  our  refinements  of  Logic.  "  In 
their  place,"  remarks  Robinson  in  the  margin, 
"  seemeth  to  be  a  nipping  taunt."  Astronomy  and 
meteorology  they  have  studied  with  success ;  but 
astrology  "  they  never  so  much  as  dreamed  of." 
They  welcomed  Hythlodaye's  somewhat  peculiar 
selection  of  Greek  authors  with  delight;  and  from 
"a  certain  affinity"  easily  learned  the  language. 

The  Utopian  code  of  ethics  is  thus  expounded, 
in  a  passage  which  seems  to  be  chiefly  based 
on  Aristotle  and  Cicero,  though  the  references  to 
Plato  are  numerous.  The  Utopians  declare  that 
"the  felicity  of  man"  consists  in  pleasure:  "and, 
which  is  more  to  be  marvelled  at,  the  defence  of 
this  so  dainty  and  delicate  an  opinion  they  fetch 
even  from  their  grave,  sharp,  bitter,  and  rigor- 
ous religion."  But  "  they  think  not,"  says  More 
further  on,  "  felicity  to  consist  in  all  pleasure,  but 
only  in  that  pleasure  that  is  good  and  honest, 
and  that  here,  as  to  perfect  blessedness,  our  nature 
is  allured  and  drawn  even  of  virtue,  whereto  only 
they  that  be  of  the  contrary  opinion  do  attribute 
felicity.  For  they  define  virtue  to  be  life  ordered 
according  to  nature,  and  that  we  be  hereunto 
ordained  even  of  God.  And  that  he  doth  follow  the 
course  of  nature,  who  in  desiring  and  refusing 
things  is  ruled  by  reason."     Eow  far   this  may   be 


132  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

consistent  it  is  not  necessary  here  to  inquire.  In 
the  exposition  of  the  Utopian  philosophy  all  is  high 
and  ennobling,  whether  the  basis  on  which  it  is 
founded  is  really  capable  of  sustaining  the  ideal,  or 
not.  Intellectual  pleasures  are  regarded  as  the 
highest :  virtue  is  pursued  for  the  sake  of  a  spiritual 
payment.  Examples  of  the  pleasures  which  the 
Utopians  accepted  and  rejected  are  given.  In  the 
former  passage  may  be  noticed  the  Platonic  idea  of 
pleasure  in  motion  and  of  the  distinction  between 
pure  and  mixed  pleasures.  In  the  latter  any  delight  in 
fine  clothes,  jewels,  gambling,  hunting  is  condemned. 
In  illustration  of  the  Utopians'  position  their  repro- 
bation of  fasting  is  referred  to.  This  is  a  point 
which  serves  to  remind  the  reader  that  More, 
throughout  the  book,  mingles  in  a  very  subtle 
manner  his  own  opinions  with  views  to  which  he 
was  entirely  opposed.  He  himself  fasted  continually, 
and  was  as  scrupulous  in  the  preservation  of  the 
outward  forms  of  religion  as  he  was  deeply  penetrated 
by  its  spirit. 

We  now  return  to  the  social  institutions  of  Utopia. 
Slavery  exists  in  the  ideal  State ;  but  the  bondmen 
are  only  those  who  have  been  guilty  of  heinous 
offences,  or  have  been  bought  when  condemned 
to  death  in  foreign  countries.  To  those  who  are 
afflicted  with  any  incurable  disease  of  a  very  painful 
nature  the  priests  and  magistrates  advise  suicide, 
"  but  they  cause  none  such  to  die  against  his  will." 

The  Utopians  alone  "  of  the  nations  in  that  part 
of  the  world  be  content  eveiy  man  with  one  wife 
apiece." 


LITERARY    WORK:   THE  'UTOPIA'  133 

Their  rulers  have  no  pomp  of  office ;  only  the 
prince  has  a  sheaf  of  corn  borne  before  him,  and  the 
bishop  a  waxen  taper. 

Their  laws  are  few  and  simple,  and  the  whole 
race  of  lawyers  "  they  utterly  exclude  and  banish." 

The  subject  of  their  foreign  relations  is  made  the 
occasion  for  bitterly  ironical  reference,  both  direct 
and  implied,  to  the  politics  of  the  day.  They  make 
no  leagues,  and  that  "  chiefly  because  that  in  those 
parts  of  the  world  leagues  between  princes  be  wont 
to  be  kept  and  observed  very  slenderly.  For  here 
in  Europe,  and  especially  in  those  parts  where  the 
faith  and  religion  of  Christ  reigneth,  the  majesty  of 
leagues  is  everywhere  considered  holy  and  inviolable  : 
partly  through  the  justice  and  goodness  of  princes, 
and  partly  at  the  reverence  and  motion  of  the  head 
bishops.  Which,  like  as  they  make  not  promises 
themselves  but  they  do  very  religiously  perform  the 
same,  so  they  exhort  all  princes  in  any  wise  to  abide 
by  their  promises,  and  them  that  refuse  or  deny  so 
to  do,  by  their  pontifical  power  and  authority  they 
compel  thereto.  And  surely  they  think  well  that 
it  might  seem  a  very  reproachful  thing,  if  in  the 
leagues  of  them  which  by  a  peculiar  name  be  called 
faithful,  faith  should  have  no  place. 

"  But  in  that  new  found  part  of  the  world,  which 
is  scarcely  so  far  from  us  beyond  the  line  equinoctial 
as  our  life  and  manners  be  dissident  from  theirs,  no 
trust  nor  confidence  is  in  leagues.  But  the  more 
and  holier  ceremonies  the  league  is  knit  up  with, 
the  sooner  it  is  broken  by  some  cavillation  found 
in   the  words,  which  many  times  of  purpose  be  so 


134  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

craftily  put  in  and  placed  that  the  bands  can  never 
be  so  sure  nor  so  strong  but  they  will  find  some  hole 
open  to  creep  out  at,  and  to  break  both  league  and 
truth.  The  which  crafty  dealing,  yea  the  which 
fraud  and  deceit,  if  they  should  know  it  to  be 
practised  among  private  men  in  their  bargains  and 
contracts,  they  would  incontinent  cry  out  at  it  with 
an  open  mouth  and  a  sour  countenance  as  an  offence 
most  detestable  and  worthy  to  be  punished  with  a 
shameful  death, — yea,  even  very  they  that  avaunce 
themselves  authors  of  like  counsel  given  to  princes.. 
Wherefore  it  may  well  be  thought,  either  that  all 
justice  is  a  base  and  low  virtue  and  which  avaleth 
itself"  (subsided,  original)  "far  under  the  high  dignity 
of  kings ;  or  at  the  leastwise  that  there  be  two 
justices;  the  one  meet  for  the  inferior  sort  of  the 
people,  going  afoot  and  creeping  low  by  the  grouud, 
and  bound  down  on  every  side  with  many  bands 
because  it  shall  not  run  at  rovers ;  the  other  a 
princely  virtue,  which,  like  as  it  is  of  much  higher 
majesty  than  the  other  poor  justices,  so  also  it  is 
of  much  more  liberty,  as  to  the  which  nothing  is 
unlawful  that  it  lusteth  after." 

There  could  be  no  clearer  reprobation  of  any 
difference  between  political  and  individual  morality. 
The  reference  to  the  events  of  the  European  history 
of  the  last  twenty  years  was  one  which  he  who  ran 
might  read.  Every  line,  almost  every  word  contains 
a  sting  :  and  yet  there  was  nothing  that  authority 
could  reprehend.  As  Mr.  Seebohm  puts  it — "  Upon 
any  other  hypothesis  than  that  the  evils  against 
which  its  satire  was  directed  were  admitted  to  be 


LITERARY   WORK:   THE   'UTOPIA'  135 

real,  the  romance  of  Utopia  must  also  be  admitted 
to  be  harmless.  To  pronounce  it  to  be  dangerous 
was  to  admit  its  truth." 

The  Utopians  abhor  war,  and  fight  only  in  defence 
of  their  own  country,  or  to  defend  some  oppressed 
nation.  They  fight  also,  by  preference,  with  cunning, 
to  avoid  bloodshed.  They  offer  large  bribes  for  the 
assassination  of  the  chiefs  of  their  adversaries,  and 
for  treason  among  their  enemies.  Here  again  the 
inference  was  obvious.  If  these  actions  seemed  a 
detestable  contrast  to  the  lofty  morality  of  the 
'Utopians,  much  more  was  it  a  dishonour  to  a  Chris- 
tian Government  to  engage  in  such  intrigues  as  at 
that  very  time  Henry  VIII.  was  carrying  on  in 
Scotland.  An  equally  severe  condemnation  is  implied 
in  the  reference  to  the  Utopians'  employment  of 
mercenaries.  It  could  have  needed  no  acute  intel- 
ligence to  recognize  the  Swiss — whom  the  King  was 
then  employing — in  the  Zapoletes,  "dwelling  in  wild 
woods  and  high  mountains,"  who  basely  hire  them- 
selves to  the  highest  bidder,  and  whom  it  would  be 
well  if  war  had  utterly  destroyed. 

Lastly  we  reach  the  most  interesting  chapter 
in  the  whole  book — "  Of  the  religions  in  Utopia." 
Of  this  the  barest  notice  must  suffice. 

There  are  several  religions  in  the  happy  island, 
but  Christianity  has  been  introduced  and  has  made 
many  converts.  By  an  ancient  law  of  King  Utopus, 
who  believed  that  if  one  religion  was  absolutely 
true  it  must  eventually  prevail,  there  is  perfect 
liberty  for  every  man  to  hold  what  views  he  will. 
This   complete    toleration    excludes    only  him  who 


136  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

does  not  believe  the  immortality  of  the  soul ;  be- 
cause he  lowers  the  dignity  of  humanity  to  the 
level  of  the  beasts.  He  is  excluded  from  all  public 
office,  but  undergoes  no  punishment,  "  because," 
says  More,  with  the  great  saying  of  Cassiodorus  in 
his  mind,  no  doubt,  "  they  be  persuaded  that  it  is 
not  in  any  man's  power  to  believe  what  he  list." 
He  is  not,  however,  allowed  to  propagate  his  opinions. 
The  Utopians  do  not  mourn  for  the  dead, — save 
for  those  who  seem  to  depart  against  their  will. 
They  honour  them  by  memorials  recording  their 
virtues,  and  believe  in  their  continual,  though  in- 
visible, presence.  Soothsaying  and  divination  they 
reject,  but  they  are  firmly  persuaded  of  the  truth 
of  miracles. 

There  are  two  kinds  of  religious  orders  among 
them :  men  who  take  upon  themselves  all  hard, 
vile,  unpleasant  labours,  and  perform  every  kind  of 
spiritual  and  manual  work,  yet  "neither  reprove 
other  men's  lives,  nor  glory  in  their  own " ;  some 
of  whom  are  vegetarians,  ascetic,  and  celibate,  while 
others  marry  and  enjoy  all  pleasures  which  do  not 
hinder  their  labour.  "They  have  priests  of  exceed- 
ing holiness,  and  therefore  very  few."  These  have 
power  to  excommunicate,  and  are  the  instructors  of 
children.  There  are  women-priests, — though  few, 
and  those  widows,  and  old.  The  male  priests  marry. 
"  To  no  office  among  the  Utopians  is  more  honour 
and  pre-eminence  given.  Insomuch  that  if  they 
commit  any  crime  they  be  under  no  common  judg- 
ment, but  be  left  only  to  God  and  themselves.  For 
they  think  it  not  lawful  to  touch  him  with  man's 


LITERARY   WORK:   THE   'UTOPIA'  137 

hand,  be  he  never  so  vicious,  which  after  so  singular 
a  sort  was  dedicate  and  consecrate  to  God,  as  a  holy 
offering." 

In  the  churches  there  is  a  dim  religious  light, 
conducive  to  concentration  of  thought  and  devotion 
of  soul.  Though  there  are  many  sects,  "  nothing  is 
seen  or  heard  in  the  churches  but  that  seemeth  to 
agree  indifferently  with  them  all."  The  sacrifices 
of  the  sects  are  private,  but  all  attend  the  public 
services.  There  is  no  image  of  God  in  the  church, 
"  to  the  intent  it  may  be  free  for  every  man  to 
conceive  God  by  their  religion  after  what  likeness 
and  similitude  they  will." 

The  wives  and  children  always  confess  at  home 
to  the  head  of  the  family,  before  the  sacrifice.  The 
offering  is  not  of  any  living  thing,  but  "  they  burn 
frankincense  and  other  sweet  savours,  and  light  also 
a  great  number  of  wax  candles  and  tapers,  not 
supposing  this  to  be  anything  available  to  the 
divine  nature,  as  neither  the  prayers  of  men ;  but 
this  unhurtful  and  harmless  kind  of  worship  pleaseth 
them.  And  by  these  sweet  savours  and  lights  and 
other  such  ceremonies  men  feel  themselves  secretly 
lifted  up  and  encouraged  to  devotion  with  more 
willing  and  fervent  hearts." 

The  vestments  of  the  priests  are  embroidered 
with  birds'  feathers,  and  have  a  solemn  signification. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  service  praises  are  sung 
to  an  exquisitely  harmonious  accompaniment  of 
various  instruments.  Afterwards  priests  and  people 
pray,  in  words  which  every  one  can  apply  to  him- 
self.    God  is  adored  as  Creator  and  Governor,  and 


138  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

is  implored  to  show  the  right  way  of  life,  the  best 
government,  and  the  true  religion, — that  if  the 
people  do  not  possess  these  they  may  be  led  to  the 
knowledge  of  them — and  He  is  asked  to  take  His 
servants  to  Himself  when  He  will. 

When  the  service  is  over,  the  rest  of  the  day  is 
spent  in  "  play  and  exercises  of  chivalry." 

No  part  of  the  Utopia  has  been  more  often  the 
subject  of  commentary  than  this  ;  and  certain  modern 
writers  have  discovered  in  it  many  of  their  own 
opinions.  This  may  be  more  fitly  discussed  when 
More's  religious  writings  are  examined.  But  such 
points  are  of  importance  in  the  discussion  of  the 
question  which  every  reader  of  the  Utopia  must 
desire  to  solve, — how  far  the  views  of  More  are 
expressed  in  his  book.  In  the  condemnation  of  the 
political  and  social  evils  of  the  day  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  he  was  speaking  his  own  opinions 
through  a  safe  disguise ;  but  more  than  this  we 
can  hardly  with  any  certainty  declare.  It  may 
be  that,  eminent  lawyer  though  he  was,  he  felt 
deeply  the  injuries  of  the  law's  delay;  but  his  other 
writings  almost  necessarily  forbid  us  to  think  that 
he  seriously  advocated  communism.  The  arguments 
against  it  which  he  gives,  though  slight,  are  con- 
clusive; and  we  may  infer  that  he  rather  looked 
for  an  equality  in  the  future  by  the  influence  of 
Christianity  and  the  true  recognition  of  its  human- 
izing spirit.1     Nor  again  can  the  voluntary  suicide 

1  Utopia,  p.  144 — "  Howbeit  I  think  this  was  no  small 
help  and  furtherance  in  the  matter  that  they  heard  us  say, 
that  Christ  instituted  among  his  all  things  common  :  and  that 


LITERARY   WORK:    THE   'UTOPIA'  139 

of  the  incurable  be  supposed  to  be  sanctioned  by 
More  himself.  The  plain  opposition  between  his 
own  custom  and  the  Utopian  opinion  of  fasting 
has  already  been  pointed  out.  A  similar  diver- 
gence is  evident  on  the  subject  of  images  or 
pictures  in  churches,  which  he  expressly  defends  in 
one  of  his  more  serious  works.  Nor  can  we  believe 
that  More  would  for  a  moment  have  tolerated 
women  as  priests,  or  indeed  have  suffered  the 
marriage  of  the  clergy  :  of  the  latter  at  least  there 
is  no  sanction  in  any  other  of  his  writings.  His 
own  words  at  the  end  of  the  book  confirm  this 
view :  many  things,  he  says,  in  the  manners  and 
laws  of  Utopia  seemed  to  him  "  to  be  instituted  and 
founded  of  no  good  reason." 

Was  the  Utopia  a  lamentation  for  the  Middle 
Ages  which  the  Renaissance  was  everywhere  burying, 
not  without  contempt  ?  Was  it  a  passionate  prophecy 
of  the  dim  future  which  More's  keen  insight  fore- 
saw ?  No  doubt  it  was  in  some  measure  at  least  a 
regret  for  the  past.  The  old  system  of  mutual  help, 
the  old  relations  of  society,  its  feudally  patriarchal 
obligations,  and  its  ties  of  fraternity  and  guild,  were 
certainly  to  him  very  beautiful,  and  he  witnessed 
their  destruction  with  something  like  dismay.  But 
for  much  of  the  past  he  had  no  reverence  and  no 
regret.  Wars  and  the  delights  of  a  half-barbarous 
age  had  no  charm  in  his  eyes.  "Hunting  and 
hawking  are  no  longer  the  choice  pleasures  of  knight 

the  same  community  doth   yet  remain  among  the  rightest 
Christian  companies." 


140  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

and  lady,  but  are  jeered  at  by  him  as  foolish  and 
unreasonable  pieces  of  butchery;  his  pleasures  are  in 
the  main  the  reasonable  ones  of  learning  and  music."  * 
That  his  book  was  a  prophecy  of  the  future,  or 
even  the  full  expression  of  his  own  idea  for  England, 
it  would  be  difficult  to  show.  It  has  become,  we 
are  told,  in  our  own  day,  "  a  necessary  part  of  a 
Socialist's  library,"2  but  it  conflicts  with  much  of 
the  authorized  socialist  programme.3  It  is  rather 
wide  in  its  scope  than  definite  in  its  intentions,  save 
only  in  its  direct  references  to  the  pressing  evils  of 
the  day.  And  its  indebtedness  to  the  past  is  general 
rather  than  particular.  More  "  is  penetrated  with 
the  spirit  of  Plato,  and  quotes  or  adapts  many 
thoughts  both  from  the  Mepublic  and  the  Timaeus."  4 
But  the  ideal  is  still  modern,  practical,  and  Christian, 
and  its  application  is  permanent.  More  looks  every- 
where to  common  effort  for  the  redress  of  wrongs, 
and  to  an  underlying  equality,  which  yet  suffers  kings 
and  serfs,  priests  and  officers,  to  reconcile  the  wrongs 
of  an  age  of  selfish  struggles.  He  has  no  toleration 
for  the  iniquities  of  man  against  man,  for  luxury 
and  chicanery  and  oppression,  but  his  remedies  are 
wrapt  in  an  intentional  obscurity  and  exaggeration. 

1  William  Morris,  Forewords  to  Utopia :  Kelmscott  Press, 
1893. 

2  Ibid. :  Mr.  Morris's  beautiful  edition  which  every  one  would 
like  to  possess,  but  only  the  very  rich  can  afford  to  buy. 

3  The  instances  Mr.  Morris  gives  are  those  relating  to 
government,  the  priesthood,  and  the  obligation  of  the  mar- 
riage contract,  and  in  the  "  atmosphere  of  asceticism,  which 
has  a  curiously  blended  savour  of  Cato  the  Censor  and  a 
mediaeval  monk."     Ibid. 

4  Jowett,  Introduction  to  the  Republic,  Dialogues  of  Plato, 
3rd  edition,  vol.  iii.  p.  ccxxiv. 


LITERARY   WORK:   THE   'UTOPIA'  141 

It  is  with  an  earnest  exhortation  to  common  work, 
to  which  the  continuity  of  our  social  order  still  gives 
a  profound  significance,  that  More  ends  his  picture 
of  "Nowhere."  He  describes  with  bitter  and  in- 
dignant remonstrance  the  glaring  inequalities  and 
injustice  of  the  so-called  Commonwealths  of  his  day 
— the  "conspiracy  of  rich  men  procuring  their  own 
ends"  ;  the  patient  suffering  of  the  poor;  the  triumph 
of  that  "  scornful  lady,"  Pride,  who  "  measureth  not 
wealth  and  prosperity  by  her  own  commodities,  but 
by  the  misery  of  others."  And  yet  he  sorrowfully 
admits — "  As  I  cannot  agree  and  consent  to  all  things 
that  he  (Hythlodaye)  said  ...  so  I  must  needs 
confess  and  grant  that  many  things  be  in  the  Utopian 
Commonwealth  which  in  our  cities  I  may  rather 
wish  for  than  hope  after." 

Utopia  indeed  could  never  be  brought  down  to 
earth  ;  and  More  never  lost  touch  of  his  own  practical 
business,  fondly  though  he  might  dream  of  a  perfect 
in  his  imaginary  state.  Writing  to  Erasmus  soon 
after  the  book  was  published,  he  says  quaintly  that 
he  is  in  the  clouds  with  the  dream  of  a  government 
offered  to  him  by  the  Utopians;  there  he  will  be 
too  high  to  think  of  common  acquaintances,  yet 
there  will  always  be  a  place  in  his  heart  for  Erasmus 
and  Tunstal — and  if  they  visit  him,  his  subjects 
shall  do  them  honour  as  the  prince's  friends.  So  he 
dreams  on  till  morning  dawns,  and  as  his  royalty 
vanishes  he  sinks  back  into  what  had  now  become 
his  familiar  mill-round  at  Court.1 

In  politics  and  in  religion  More  had  to  meet  the 
1  Erasm.  Epp.  App.  250.  (Leyden  ed.  of  Works,  vol  iii.  lit.  2.) 


142  SIR   THOMAS   MORE 

stern  realities  of  an  age  of  crises ;  but  the  longing 
for  brotherhood  which  illuminates  every  page  of  the 
Utopia  remained  the  expression  of  his  deepest 
thoughts.  It  was  to  the  union  between  the  Church 
and  the  New  Learning  that  he  looked  for  the  great 
hope  of  the  future.  "  No  such  cry  "  as  his  "  of  pity 
for  the  poor,  of  protest  against  the  system  of  agrarian 
and  manufacturing  tyranny,  had  been  heard  since  the 
days  of  Piers  Ploughman." 1  It  was  the  echo,  he 
thought,  of  the  Church's  teaching.  For  Christ  Him- 
self  would  have  all  men  brothers,  and  He  "  instituted 
among  His  all  things  common — and  .  .  .  the  same 
community  doth  yet  remain  among  the  rightest 
Christian  companies."  It  was  in  this  longing  for 
brotherhood  that  the  Utopians  with  glad  minds 
received  the  faith  of  Christ2;  and  it  was  in  the 
community  of  the  Catholic  Church  that  More 
believed  all  wrongs  could  be  redressed  and  the  world 
pass  to  its  New  Birth. 

1  A.  W.  Hutton,  Sir  Thomas  More  and  his  Utopia,  p.  17. 
3  Arbei^s  edition  of  B.  Robinson's  Transl.  p.  144. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

POLITICAL   LIFE. 

"  So  lieb  mir  nieiner  Seele  Seligkeit  ist,  so  lieb  wird  niir 
seyn  wenn  ich  dem  allgemeinen  Wesen  dienen  kann." — 
Wcdkustein. 

More's  political  life  may  be  said  to  have  begun 
almost  at  the  same  time  as  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII. 
His  professional  income,  gradually  increasing,  had 
reached  little  less  than  £400  (or  about  £5000  as  the 
value  of  money  is  now)  a  year ;  and  work  of  a  more 
public  character  was  coming  to  him.  On  July  5, 
1509,  he  was  named  in  commission  with  his  father 
and  another  lawyer  to  take  inquisition  as  to  the 
possessions  in  Middlesex  of  William,  Viscount  Beau- 
mont, deceased.  And  from  February  22,  1510,  he 
was  for  many  years  in  the  Commission  of  the  Peace 
for  Hampshire.1  On  September  3,  1510,  he  was 
elected  one  of  the  under-sheriffs  of  the  city  of 
London,  and  thus  acted  as  judge  in  the  County 
Court  of  London  and  Middlesex.  Erasmus  has  given 
a   description    of  the  office  and   of  More's    conduct 

1  Feb.  22, 1510  :  Dec.  15, 1510  :  July  18, 1511  (Commission 
of  Array):  March  !•">,  1512:  June  3,  1513:  -Ian.  24,  1514, 
etc.  etc. 


114  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

iu  it,  in  his  letter  to  Ulricli  von  Hntten.1  "  This 
office,  though  not  laborious,  for  the  court  sits  only 
on  every  Thursday  till  dinner-time,  is  accounted 
very  honourable.  No  judge  of  that  court  ever  went 
through  more  causes ;  none  ever  decided  them  more 
uprightly;  often  remitting  the  fees  to  which  he 
was  entitled  from  the  suitors.  His  deportment  in 
this  capacity  endeared  him  extremely  to  his  fellow- 
citizens."  Of  his  exercise  of  the  judicial  duties  of 
this  post  two  amusing  anecdotes  have  been  told — 
one  of  his  restoring  a  beggar's  dog  which  his  wife 
had  found,  and  another  of  a  trick  he  played  on  a 
conceited  old  justice,  who  declared  that  only  fools 
could  have  their  pockets  picked. 

In  1509,  he  became  a  Bencher  of  Lincoln's  Inn, 
and  he  was  reader  there  in  1511  and  151 G.  On 
February  1,  1514,  we  find  him  in  the  Commission 
of  Sewers  for  the  district  extending  along  the 
Thames  between  East  Greenwich  and  Lambeth. 

In  such  employments  the  earlier  years  of  the 
reign  were  passed,  but  with  the  new  development 
of  foreign  policy  into  which  England  gradually 
drifted,  More  was  forced  into  a  wider  sphere  of 
action.  For  the  first  four  years  of  the  reign  the 
peaceful  traditions  of  Henry  VII.  had  been  main- 
tained. Warham  and  Fox  were  both  peace  ministers, 
and  Henry,  though  eager  to  enter  into  the  European 
struggle  which  it  was  only  a  question  of  time  how 
long  England  could  avoid,  perceived  the  deficiency 
of  trained  soldiers,  and  waited  till  some  organization 
should  have  been  attempted. 

1  Erasm.  Epp.  x.  30. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  115 

When  at  length  war  had  been  made  it  had  been 
carried   on  with  wonderful  success,  and   the  peace 
which  concluded  it  had  been  in  every  way  honour- 
able.     The   remarkable  development   of  diplomacy 
brought  England,  now  regarded   universally  as  the 
great  home  of  money,  more  and  more  closely  into 
connexion  with   the    continental  powers.       The  in- 
sincerity of  the  great  States  and  their  distrust  of 
each  other  caused  constant  revolutions  in  the  political 
arrangements  of  Europe ;  no  sooner  was  one  power 
victorious,  than  an  ally  would  immediately  make  a 
treaty  with  the  vanquished.    A  network  of  hypocrisy 
and   tortuous    procedure    arose,   which   necessitated 
the  employment  of  a  large  body  of  professed  diploma- 
tists, whether  ambassadors,  special  envoys,  or  spies. 
Into  this  system  More  was  introduced  almost  as  it 
were    by  chance.      The    relations    of  England  with 
Charles  of  Castile   and  the  Netherlands  had  been 
much    strained,   and    it   was   decided    to   send    an 
embassy  to  the   Netherlands  "for  the  continuance 
of  the  treaties  of  intercourse  between  the  late  Kings 
of  England  and  Castile."  1     On  hearing  of  this,  the 
London  merchants,  who  had  suffered  from  the  sus- 
pension of  commercial   intercourse,    desired    to    be 
especially    represented.       More    was    already    well 
known  to   the  merchants  of  the    Steelyard,   whose 
interests  were   at   stake;    and    his   reputation    had 
already  reached  the   ears  of  Wolsey.     Thus  readily 
at   their   request2   the    King  joined   More   to   the 
Commission,3  which  consisted   of  Cuthbert  Tunstal, 

1  Letters  and  Papers,  Hen.  VIII.  ii.  422.        2  Roper,  p.  8. 
3  Ibid,  (us  above),  May  1516. 


146  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

Master  of  the  Rolls  and  Archdeacon  of  Chester ; 
Sir  Thomas  Spynell,  resident  at  Bruges ;  Dr. 
Sampson,  vicar-general  of  Tournay ;  and  John 
Clifford,  "governor  of  the  English  merchants." 

The  next  day,  May  8,  1514,  the  Court  of  Alder- 
men gave  permission  for  More  to  appoint  a  deputy 
in  his  office,1  and  he  started  for  Flanders  on  May  12. 
Spynell  announced  his  arrival  at  Bruges  with 
Tunstal2  on  the  18th,  and  on  the  20th  Sampson 
wrote  to  Wolsey  expressing  his  pleasure  at  the 
honour  of  being  named  in  the  King's  Commission 
with  Dr.  Tunstal  and  "  young  More."  3  The  busi- 
ness, in  which  More  and  Clifford  were  specially 
charged  with  the  commercial  interests,  was  a 
tedious  one :  French  influence  was  all  powerful 
at  the  Court  of  Flanders,  and  the  English  envoys 
met  with  "  taunts  and  checks,  scarce  within  the 
bounds  of  friendly  consideration."  The  Flemish 
merchants  complained  of  many  injuries  in  their 
commerce  with  England,  besides  the  constant 
grievance  of  the  Staple.  Nor  were  the  personal 
comforts  of  the  ambassadors  enviable.  More,  whose 
salary  was  only  13s.  4<d.  a  day,4  had  not  been  paid  ; 
and  it  was  not  till  Tunstal  wrote  to  Wolsey  to  tell 
of  his  distress — "  Master  More  at  this  time,  as 
being  at  a  low  ebb,  desires  by  your  grace  to  be  set 
on  float  again  " — that  a  remittance  of  £20  was  sent 
to  him.5     The  Commission   moved   from    Bruges  to 

1  Extracts  from  City  Records :  App.  to  Mackintosh,  Life 
of  Mure.  2  Brewer,  ii.  473.  3  Ibid.  ii.  480. 

4  King's  Book  of  Payments,  Brewer,  ii.  1647 

5  July   9,   1515,  Brewer,    ii.  679.      Tunstal  and   Sampson 
received  £30.     See  King's  Book  of  Payments  as  above. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  147 

Brussels,  arid  eventually  to  Antwerp,  where  More 
made  the  acquaintance  of  Petrus  iEgidius.  At  last 
the  negotiations  were  completed,  and  soon  after  the 
besfinnino-  of  1516 x  More  was  able  to  return  to 
England.  He  had  not  enjoyed  his  experience  of 
diplomacy.  The  honour,  such  as  it  was,  scarcely 
counterbalanced  the  inconveniences  of  the  position. 
Yet  More  had  been  able  to  gain  an  insight  into  the 
evils  of  the  then-existing  international  relations,  which 
he  made  abundant  use  of  in  his  Utopia.  Writing 
to  Erasmus  on  his  return  to  Court  in  February, 
he  gives  an  amusing  picture  of  its  disadvantages. 
Tunstal,  he  said,  had  hardly  been  ten  days  in 
London,  "  when  2  he  was  sent  off  on  another  embassy ; 
yet  such  an  employment  could  not  be  half  so 
inconvenient  to  him  as  it  was  to  a  layman.  We 
laymen  and  you  priests  are  not  on  equal  terms  on 
such  occasions ;  for  you  leave  no  wives  nor  children 
at  home,  whereas  whenever  we  laymen  are  away, 
we  are  called  back  by  the  love  of  our  wives  and 
families.  When  a  priest  starts  on  his  mission,  he 
can  take  his  whole  family  with  him,  and  feed  at 
the  king's  expense  those  whom  he  must  otherwise 
have  fed  at  home.  But  whenever  I  am  absent,  I 
have  two  families  to  keep,  one  at  home,  and  one 

1  Erasm.  Epp.  ii.  16. 

2  Some  dilliculty  arises  here  about  the  dates.  Roper  states 
that  More  was  sent  on  two  embassies  to  Flanders,  ami  almost 
every  succeeding  writer  has  accepted  his  statement— Mr. 
Seebohm  without  any  comment.  It  appears,  however,  that 
the  second  embassy  was  that  to  Calais  in  Augu-t  1577,  after 
More's  knighthood  and  employment  a1  Court.     Of  three  em- 

•    there   is   no   record.      Vide    Erasmus    to   Ammonius, 
Brewer,  ii.  3003,  3634,  et  seq. 


148  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

abroad.  The  king  provides  tolerably  well  for  those 
whom  I  must  take  with  me ;  but  no  consideration 
is  paid  to  those  whom  I  leave  behind.  You  know 
what  a  kind  husband  I  am,  what  an  indulgent  father 
and  lenient  master :  and  yet  for  all  this  I  cannot 
prevail  on  my  wife,  children  and  servants,  to  close 
their  mouths  and  stop  eating  till  I  return."  With 
his  conduct  of  the  negotiations  the  King  and  Wolsey 
were  much  pleased,  and  he  was  requested  to  enter 
the  royal  service.  He  showed  his  reluctance  to  obey, 
even  when  a  pension  was  pressed  upon  him,  as  large 
as  the  income  he  would  lose  by  withdrawal  from 
practice.1  In  the  letter  above  quoted  More  mentions 
this  to  Erasmus,  and  declares  that  he  believes  he  shall 
always  decline  a  pension  and  office  at  Court,  because 
it  would  oblige  him  either  to  resign  his  office  in 
the  city,  which  he  preferred  to  a  higher  one,  or  to 
encourage  suspicions  of  being  biassed  in  favour  of 
the  Crown  in  case  of  any  contest  concerning  privileges. 
For  a  short  time  the  King  consented  to  press  no 
further;  but  a  little  later  More  was  induced  to 
accept  a  pension  of  £100  for  life.2  But  less  than 
a  year  passed  before  another  occasion  brought  More 
into  public  notice.  A  Papal  vessel  at  Southampton 
had  been  seized  probably  as  a  droit  of  the  Admiralty, 
and  claimed  as  a  forfeiture  by  the  King.  The  Papal 
envoy,  Campeggio,  demanded  counsel  to  defend  the 
right  of  the  Pope;  and  More,  who  was  appointed, 
argued  with  such  learning  and  acuteness,  that  the 
cause  was  decided  in  favour  of  the  Holy  See.3     The 

1  Roper,  p.  10. 

2  Letters  and  Papers,  ii.  8  Roper,  p.  8. 


POLITICAL   LIFE  149 

King,  who  had  been  present  at  the  hearing  of  the 
suit,  was  so  delighted  with  More's  ability,  that  he 
could  no  longer  submit  to  be  without  his  service. 
The  appointment  of  Master  of  Requests  was  con- 
ferred upon  him  in  1518,  and  a  month  later  he 
was  sworn  of  the  Privy  Council.  In  March  1517, 
Erasmus,  writing  to  Tunstal,1  notices  that  More, 
hitherto  so  inflexible,  has  been  carried  away  to  Court. 
In  the  interval,  however,  between  his  rejection  and 
his  acceptance  of  the  royal  offer,  More  had  published 
his  Utopia,  and  thus  given  decisively  to  the  world 
his  views  of  international  and  domestic  policy. 
The  King  accepted  his  services  under  no  decep- 
tion, and  More  fifteen  years  afterwards  was  able 
to  remind  him  of  the  "  most  godly  words  that  his 
Highness  spake  unto  him  at  his  first  coming  into  his 
service,  the  most  virtuous  lesson  that  ever  prince 
taught  his  servant,  willing  him  first  to  look  unto  God 
and  after  God  to  him."  2  Thus,  reluctant  as  he  had 
been  to  take  it,  More  could  not  but  regard  his  new 
position  as  an  honour  to  his  opinions  as  well  as  to 
his  abilities.  Writing  to  Fisher,3  he  said—"  I  have 
come  to  court  entirely  against  my  will,  and  as  the 
king  himself  often  jestingly  reproaches  me  for.  And 
I  am  as  uncomfortable  as  a  carpet  knight  in  the 
saddle.  .  .  .  Yet  such  is  the  virtue  and  learning  of 
the  king,  and  his  daily  increasing  progress  in  both, 
that  the  more  I  see  him  increase  in  these  kingly 
ornaments  the  less  troublesome  the  courtier's  life 
becomes  to  me." 

1  Brewer,  ii.  3003.  -  Roper,  p.  29. 

3  Stapleton,  cap.  vii.  p.  -l-l'.). 


150  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

In  the  few  months  that  passed  between  his  summons 
to  Court  and  his  appointment  to  another  foreign 
mission,  More  was  able  to  perform  some  slight  service 
in  London,  both  as  a  member  of  the  Council,  and  as 
still  holding  the  office  of  under-sheriff,  which  he  did 
not  resign  till  July  23,  1519.1  A  great  tumult  took 
jjlace  on  April  28,  1517,  which  was  only  put  down 
with  much  difficulty.  The  jealousy  of  the  London 
traders  against  foreigners,  who  in  the  last  few  years 
had  been  settling  in  London  in  great  numbers,  had 
risen  to  a  high  pitch.  One  John  Lincolne,  having 
failed  to  induce  the  famous  Dr.  Standish  in  the  Spital 
Sermon  on  the  Monday  in  Easter  week  to  introduce 
the  subject,  prevailed  upon  a  certain  Dr.  Bell  to  do 
so.  From  the  text,  Coelum  cocli  Domino,  ten-am 
autem  dedit  filiis  hominum,  this  worthy  divine 
aroused  his  audience  to  frenzy  by  declaring  that 
England  was  given  to  its  natives,  and  not  to  strangers. 
The  Council  had  due  notice  of  the  danger,  and  sent 
to  enforce  precautionary  measures,  but  the  very  exe- 
cution of  the  order  caused  a  riot,  which  soon  assumed 
alarming  proportions.  The  prisons  were  broken  open 
and  foreigners'  houses  burnt;  and  tranquillity  was 
only  secured  by  an  armed  force,  after  the  heavy 
ordnance  in  the  Tower  had  been  directed  against  the 
city.  More  had  been  unremitting  in  his  personal 
efforts  to  allay  the  disturbance,  and  had  only  been 
frustrated  by  the  folly  of  his  companions.2 

1  Extracts  from  City  Records,  App.  to  Mackintosh,  Life  of 
More. 

2  Stow,  Annals  (ed.  1631,)  p.  505  et  scq.  Cres.  More,  p. 
49.     Walter's  Life  of  More,  p.  67. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  151 

He  was  himself  appointed  when  the  riots  were  over 
to  inquire  into  their  origin.  In  his  Apology  he 
thns  described  his  action.1  "  Even  here  in  London 
after  the  great  business  that  was  there  on  a  May- 
day in  the  morning,  by  a  rising  made  against 
strangers,  for  which  divers  of  the  prentices  and 
journeymen  suffered  execution  of  treason,  by  an  old 
statute  made  long  before,  against  all  such  as  would 
violate  the  king's  safe  conduct ;  I  was  appointed 
among  others  to  search  out  and  enquire  by  diligent 
examination  in  what  wise  and  by  what  persons  that 
privy  confederacy  began.  And  in  good  faith  after 
great  time  taken  and  much  diligence  used  therein, 
we  perfectly  tried  out  at  last  that  all  that  business  of 
any  rising  to  be  made  for  the  matter,  began  only  by 
the  conspiracy  of  two  young  lads  that  were  prentices 
in  Cheapside,  which,  after  the  thing  devised  first  and 
compared  between  them  twain,  perused  privily  to 
journeymen  first,  and  after  the  prentices,  of  many  of 
the  mean  crafts  in  the  city,  bearing  the  first  that  they 
spake  with  in  hand,  that  they  had  secretly  spoken 
with  many  other  occupations  already  and  that  they 
were  all  agreed  thereunto,  and  that  besides  them 
there  were  two  or  three  hundred  serving  men  of 
divers  lords'  houses  and  some  of  the  king's  too,  which 
would  not  be  named  nor  known,  that  would  yet  in  the 
night  be  at  hand,  and  when  they  were  once  up,  would 
not  fail  to  fall  in  with  them  and  take  their  part. 
Now  this  ungracious  invention  and  these  words  of 
those  two  lewd  lads  (which  yet  in  the  business  fled 
id  ways  themselves  and  never  came  again  after)  did 
1  Apology,  ed.  1533,  pp.  261,  2G2. 


152  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

put  some  other,  by  their  oversight  and  lightness,  in 
such  a  courage  and  boldness  that  they  wende  them- 
selves able  to  avenge  their  displeasure  in  the  night, 
and  after  either  never  to  be  known  or  to  be  strong 
enough  to  bear  it  out  and  go  farther."  From  such 
small  causes  do  great  confusions  spring,  thought 
More ;  and  he  had  henceforth  a  fine  contempt  for 
popular  demonstrations.  He  compared  the  heretics 
to  these  misguided  prentices,  misled  by  their  "  pot- 
headed  apostles." 

But  More  was  not  only  useful  at  home.  The 
tortuous  negotiations  with  France,  which  Wolsey  dis- 
guised with  so  much  care  even  from  the  keen  inquiry 
of  the  Venetian  Ambassador,  were  at  this  time  drag- 
ging their  slow  course,  and  a  suitable  cloak  for  deeper 
projects  was  obtained  in  the  sending  of  an  embassy 
to  Calais,  to  settle  the  disputes  between  the  French 
and  English  merchants.  On  August  27,  1517,  a 
Commission1  was  issued  to  Sir  Richard  Wingfield, 
then  deputy  of  Calais,  Dr.  William  Knight,  and 
Thomas  More.  They  were  to  meet  the  French 
representatives,  having  full  power  to  receive  and 
adjudicate  upon  complaints,  and  make  the  necessary 
compensation.  It  was  hoped  that  the  merchants 
would  be  thus  saved  the  expenses  of  the  law  courts. 
This  negotiation  was  even  more  tedious  than  the 
former,  and  from  the  incomplete  records  of  its  progress 
that  are  obtainable,  we  should  infer  that  it  lasted  for 
at  least  six  months.  The  Commissioners'  allowance 
seems  to  have  been  higher  than  on  More's  previous 
mission  2 ;  but  Erasmus,  writing  to  iEgidius,  declared 

1  Brewer,  ii.  3634.     2  King's  Booh  of  Payments,  Aug.  1517. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  153 

that  More  was  living  at  great  expense,  and  engaged 
in  business  most  odious  to  him.  The  French  Commis- 
sioners did  all  in  their  power  to  delay  any  result, 
declaring  that  their  commission  was  not  complete.1 
They  appear  however  to  have  been  reasonable  in 
their  demands.2  More  hoped  at  one  time  to  have 
seen  Erasmus  at  Calais,  but  apparently  was  disap- 
pointed. 

On  his  return  to  England,  More  was  in  constant 
attendance  on  the  Court.  In  April  1518,  Pace, 
writing  from  Abingdon  to  Wolsey,  complains  of  the 
inconveniences  which  the  Master  of  Requests  was 
undergoing,  his  daily  allowance  of  meat  not  being 
provided  by  the  Lord  Steward,  and  therefore  having 
to  be  bought  in  the  town,  "  which  is  to  him  intoler- 
able, and  to  the  king's  grace  dishonourable."3  In 
September  we  have  an  amusing  admission  in  the 
letter  of  the  acute  Giustiniani  of  how  difficult  it  was 
to  extract  information  from  the  newly  made  councillor. 
On  October  4,  More  was  one  of  the  signatories  of 
the  treaty  between  England  and  France,  in  which 
the  marriage  of  the  Dauphin  with  the  Princess  Mary 
was  arranged.4  As  soon  as  the  negotiations  at  Calais 
had  been  over,  there  had  been  others  at  Bruges, 
and  More's  name  appears  constantly  in  diplomatic 
memoranda,  and  at  home,  especially  during  1519, 
in  correspondence  with  Wolsey  as  to  politics  and 
international  relations.5  In  April  1520,  his  name 
occurs  among  those  who  signed  the  treaties  between 

1  Letters  ah 1 1  Papers,  ii.  3750. 

2  Ibid.  ii.  3766,  :i773,  3803. 

3  Ibid.  ii.  4055.  4  Ibid.  ii.  4409. 
6  E.  g.  Ibid.  vol.  ill.  333,  35G. 


154  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

Henry  and  Charles  V.,1  and  he  rode  in  the  gallant 
train  which  met  the  Emperor  at  Canterbury.  In 
the  autumn  of  that  year  he  was  again  at  Bruges, 
negotiating  with  the  representatives  of  the  Hanse 
towns.  It  was  then  that  he  tricked  the  boastful 
Fleming  who  offered  to  dispute  with  any  man  on 
any  thesis,  by  propounding  that  fine  question  of 
English  law — "  an  averia  capta  in  withernamia  sunt 
irreplegiabilia  " — whether  cattle  seized  under  writ  of 
distress  are  irrepleviable. 

Abroad  he  made  many  friends  :  but  he  was  most 
needed  at  home.  The  King,  so  Pace  wrote  to  Wolsey, 
was  earnest  to  put  young  men  into  his  affairs,  since 
"old  men  decay  greatly,"  2  and  so  in  1521  More  was 
knighted,  and  succeeded  Weston  as  Treasurer  of  the 
Exchequer,3  and  from  this  time  was  closely  attached 
to  the  Court.  In  1522  he  took  an  important  part  in 
the  ceremonies  attending  the  second  visit  of  Charles  V. 
At  this  time  he  was  one  of  the  King's  chief  secretaries, 
and  through  him  Henry  communicated  with  Wolsey 
whenever  the  Cardinal  was  not  at  Court.  A  number 
of  letters,  which  passed  at  this  period  between  Wolsey 
and  More,  exist,  but  the  matters  with  which  they  are 
concerned  are  of  no  private  interest.  From  chance 
expressions  however  various  details  of  More's  position 
at  Court  may  be  obtained,  which  fully  confirm  Roper's 
account  of  the  familiarity  to  which  he  was  admitted.4 
At  present  the  first  stirrings  of  the  Reformation  had 

1  Letters  and  Papers,  ii.  739,  740. 

2  Ibid.  vol.  iii.  2900. 

3  Erasm.  Epp.  xvii.  16. 

4  E.  g.  Sept.  21,  1522.     Letters  and  Papers,  iii.  2555. 


POLITICAL   LIFE  155 

served  to  bring  him  more  closely  into  connexion 
with  the  King,  especially  in  the  matter  of  Luther's 
book.  Nor  was  his  service  unrewarded  :  he  shared  in 
the  spoil  of  the  unhappy  Buckingham,  receiving  the 
manor  of  South,  Kent.1 

The  Parliament  which  was  summoned  on  account 
of  the  necessities  of  the  great  French  war,  met  on 
Wednesday,  April  15,  1523,  in  the  magnificent  hall 
at  Blackfriars.  More  was  a  member,  but  no  inquiries 
as  to  his  constituency  have  as  yet  been  successful.2 
If  we  can  reason  from  precedents,  however,  it  was 
almost  certainly  one  of  the  counties.  His  friend 
Tunstal  preached  the  opening  sermon,  and,  probably 
by  the  King's  direction,  the  House  of  Commons, 
on  Saturday,  April  18,  presented  as  their  chosen 
Speaker,  Sir  Thomas  More.  He  made  the  usual 
excuse  of  disability,  comparing  himself  to  Phormio, 
and  the  King  to  Hannibal,  in  the  tale.  Wolsey,  as 
Chancellor,  replied  that  '  his  majesty,  by  long 
experience  of  his  services,  was  well  acquainted  with 

1  Letters  and  Papers,  iii.  2239. 

2  "  As  the  whole  of  his  life  passed  during  the  great  chasm  in 
writs  for  election  and  returns  of  members  of  parliament,  from 
1  177  to  1542,  the  places  for  which  Sir  T.  More  sat,  and  the 
year  of  his  early  opposition  to  a  subsidy,  are  unascertained  ; 
notwithstanding  the  obliging  exertions  of  the  gentlemen 
employed  in  the  repositories  at  the  Tower  and  in  the  Rolls' 
chapel.  We  know  that  he  was  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Commons  in  1523  and  1524.  Browne  WiUia  owns  his  in- 
ability to  fix  the  place  (Notit.  Parliament,  iii.  112)  ;  but  he 
conjectured  it  to  have  been  'either  Middlesex,  where  he 
resided,  or  Lancaster,  of  which  he  was  chancellor.'  But  that 
writer  would  not  have  mentioned  the  latter  branch  of  his 
alternative,  if  he  had  known  that  More  was  not  chancellor  of 
the  duchy  till  two  years  after  his  speakership."— Mackintosh, 
Life  <f  More,  preface.     See  LetU  rs  am  I  Papers,  iii.  2956. 


156  SIR   THOMAS   MORE 

his  wit,  learning,  and  discretion  ;  and  therefore  he 
thought  that  the  Commons  had  chosen  the  fittest 
person  to  be  their  speaker.' 1  More  again  replied 
according  to  usage,  accepting  the  office  with  reluct- 
ance, and  demanding  the  recognition  of  the  privileges 
of  the  Speaker  and  the  House.  Roper 2  thinks  this 
speech  worthy  of  insertion  in  his  work,  probably 
from  his  father-in-law's  manuscript,  but  it  contains 
no  point  of  great  interest. 

The  critical  period  of  More's  life  now  begins. 
Wolsey,  having  obtained  a  large  grant  from  Convo- 
cation, in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  Fisher  and  Fox, 
went  down  to  the  House  of  Commons  on  April  29, 
and,  having  dilated  upon  the  perfidy  of  the  French 
King,  and  the  necessity  of  giving  powerful  aid  to 
the  Emperor,  demanded  £800,000,  and  proposed 
that  it  should  be  obtained  by  a  fifth  of  all  goods 
for  four  years.3  Of  the  subsequent  debates  Roper 
gives  a  dramatic  account,  which  has  found  its  way 
into  most  of  the  biographies  of  More,  but  which  is 
hardly  reconcilable  with  our  information  from  other 
sources. 

"  At  this  Parliament  Cardinal  Wolsey  found  himself 
much  grieved  with  the  Burgesses  thereof,  for  that 
nothing  was  so  soon  done  or  spoken  therein,  but  that 
it  was  immediately  blown  abroad  in  every  alehouse. 
It  fortuned  at  that  Parliament  a  very  great  subsidy 

1  Brewer  (pref.  to  Letters  and  Papers,  vol.  iii.  p.  237) 
thinks  it  probable,  Walter  (Life  of  Mure,  p.  87)  states  for 
certain,  that  More  was  chosen  Speaker  by  the  King's  command. 
The  latter  writer  gives  no  authority. 

2  Pages  10—12. 

3  Lord  Herbert's  Henry  VIII.  p.  134. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  157 

to  be  demanded,  which  the  Cardinal  fearing  it  would 
not  pass  the  common  house,  determined  for  the  further- 
ance  thereof,   to  be   there  present  himself;   before 
whose  coming  after  long  debating  there,  whether  it 
were  better  but  with  a  few  of  his  lords  (as  the  most 
opinion   of  the   house   was),  or  with  a  whole  train 
royally  to  receive  him  there  amongst  them, '  Masters,' 
quoth   Sir  Thomas   More,  '  forasmuch   as  my  Lord 
Cardinal  lately,  you  wot  well,  laid  to  our  charge  the 
lightness  of  our  tongues  for  things   uttered  out  of 
this  house,  it  shall   not   be  amiss  in   my  mind   to 
receive  him  with  all  his  pomp,  with  his  maces,  his 
pillars,  his  poleaxes,  his  crosses,  his  hat,  and  great 
seal  too ;  to  the  intent  that  if  he  find  the  like  fault 
with  us  hereafter,  we  may  be  the  bolder  from  our- 
selves to  lay  the  blame  upon  those  that   his  grace 
bringeth  with    him.'     Whereunto  the  house  wholly 
agreeing,  he  was  received  accordingly.     Where  after 
he  had  in  a  solemn  oration  by  many  reasons  proved 
how  necessary  it  was  the  demands  there  moved  to  be 
granted,  and  further  said  that  less  would  not  serve 
the   king's   purpose;   he   seeing   the   company  still 
silent,  and    thereunto    nothing  answering,  and  con- 
trary  to    his    expectation    shewing   in    themselves 
towards   his  requests  no  towardness  of  inclination, 
said  unto  them:  'Masters,  ye  have  many  wise  and 
learned  men  among  you,  and  sith  I  am  from   the 
king's    own   person  sent   hither    unto    you,  for    the 
preservation  of  your  own  selves  and  all  the  Realm,  I 
think  it   meet   you  give    me  a  reasonable    answer.' 
Whereat  every  man  holding  his  peace,  then  began 
he  to  speak  to  one  Mr.  Marney,  who  making  him  no 


158  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

answer  neither,  he  severally  asked  the  same  question 
of  divers  others  accounted  the  wisest  of  the  company. 
To  whom  when  none  of  them  all  would  give  so  much 
as  one  word,  being  before  agreed,  as  the  custom  was, 
by  their  speaker  to  make  answer ;  '  Masters/  quoth 
the  Cardinal, '  unless  it  be  the  manner  of  your  house, 
as  of  likelihood  it  is,  in  such  causes  to  utter  your 
minds  by  the  mouth  of  your  speaker,  whom  ye  have 
chosen  for  trusty  and  wise  (as  indeed  he  is),  here  is 
without  doubt  a  marvellous  obstinate  silence ' ;  and 
thereupon  required  the  answer  of  Mr.  Speaker,  who 
reverently  upon  his  knees  excusing  the  silence  of  the 
house,  abashed  at  the  presence  of  so  noble  a  personage, 
able  to  amaze  the  wisest  and  best  learned  in  a  Realm, 
and  after  by  many  reasons  proving,  that  for  them  to 
make  answer  was  it  neither  expedient,  nor  agreeable 
with  the  ancient  liberty  of  the  house ;  in  conclusion 
for  himself  shewed,  that  though  they  had  all  with 
their  voices  trusted  him,  yet  except  every  one  of 
them  could  put  into  his  own  head  all  their  several 
wits,  he  alone  in  so  weighty  a  matter  was  unmeet  to 
make  his  Grace  answer.  Whereupon  the  Cardinal 
displeased  with  Sir  Thomas  More,  that  had  not  in 
this  Parliament  in  all  things  satisfied  his  desire, 
suddenly  rose  and  departed."  x  Roper  then  goes  on 
to  relate  that  Wolsey  resented  the  action  of  his 
courageous  opponent,  and  cried,  "  Would  God  you 
had  been  at  Rome  when  I  made  you  Speaker ! "  and 
that  he  wished  to  have  him  sent  as  ambassador  to 
Spain  to  get  rid  of  him,  but  that  Henry  readily 
accepted  More's  excuses,  saying,  "  It  is  not  our 
1  Koper,  pp.  12 — 14. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  159 

pleasure  to  do  you   hurt,  but   to  do  you  good  we 
should  be  glad." 

Any  statement  of  Roper's,  who  lived  in  the  closest 
intimacy  with  his  father-in-law  under  the  same  roof 
for  more  than  sixteen  years,  must  have  great  weight. 
In  this  case,  the  story  is  told  with  remarkable  cir- 
cumstance of  detail ;  and  Roper,  living  at  that  very 
time  at   Chelsea,  could   hardly  be  ignorant  of  the 
doings  of  this  Parliament  and  of  its  Speaker.      At 
the  same  time  there  is  no  support  whatever  to  his 
statement  from  any  other  source,  and  other  informa- 
tion seems  directly  to  point  to  the  improbability  of 
such  a  scene  having  occurred ;  nor  must  it  be  for- 
gotten that  Roper  has  made  other  evident  mistakes, 
though  none  of  such  importance  as  this.      It  can 
hardly  be  conceived  that  Wolsey  would  be  so  ignorant 
of    the   privileges    and    customs   of  the   House   of 
Commons,  as  he  appears  in  this  scene ;  nor,  even  on 
&  priori  grounds,  would  it  be  likely  that  one  of  the 
royal  secretaries,  living  in  daily  intercourse  with  the 
Kins  and  his  great  minister  as  the  confidant  of  most 
if  not   of  all  their  plans,  would  make  himself  the 
exponent  of  direct  opposition  to  a  proposal,  to  which 
he  had  previously  in  all  probability  agreed.      Not 
only  this :  but  the  utmost  cordiality  seems  to  have 
existed  between  Wolsey  and  More ;  and  it  is  certain 
that  in  the  discussions  on  the  subsidy  More  constantly 
supported  the  royal  demands,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
session    received,   by   Wolsey's    express    request,   a 
substantial  mark  of  the  royal  gratitude. 

The    debates  seem   in    reality  to   have  proceeded 
quite  otherwise  than  as  Roper  tells  the  story.     On 


160  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

Wolsey's  departure,  after  his  explanation  of  the  royal 
demand,  there  was  much  discussion.  On  the  next 
day  More  supported  the  Chancellor's  plan,  and  showed 
that  four  shillings  in  the  pound  could  not  be  con- 
sidered extravagant  on  such  an  occasion.  Opposition 
was  raised  on  the  ground  that  "  though  some  were 
well  monied,  in  general  the  fifth  part  of  men's  goods 
was  not  in  plate  or  money,  but  in  stock  or  cattle, 
and  that  to  pay  away  all  their  coin  would  alter 
the  frame  and  intercourse  of  all  things."  *  Another 
position  was  taken  in  the  speech  made  by  Cromwell, 
who  opposed  the  King's  going  to  the  war,  and 
advocated  fighting  the  French  on  Scots  ground. 
A  long  speech  for  the  Court  is  epitomized  by  Lord 
Herbert  of  Cherbury : 2  it  is  attributed  to  More,  and 
is  certainly  much  in  his  style  of  argument  and 
expression.  By  this  taxation,  it  was  said,  the  money 
was  not  lost  to  the  nation  :  no  more  indeed  happened 
than  by  the  ordinary  course  of  markets.  Let  the  rich 
men  go  to  the  war  themselves,  and  show  that  they 
deserve  their  great  possessions  by  the  courage  Avith 
which  they  can  defend  them.  The  objection  that  the 
money  would  be  carried  out  of  England  was  unreason- 
able, for  would  it  not  carry  the  men  also  ?  "  Notwith- 
standing," continued  the  Speaker,  "  if  you  be  so 
obstinate  as  to  believe  that  making  war  in  a  country 
brings  money  into  it,  do  but  conceive  awhile  that 
the  French  had  invaded  us.  Would  the  money 
they  brought  over,  think  you,  enrich  our  country, 
or  should  any  of  us  be  the  better  for  it  ?     Let  us 

1  Henry  VIII.  (edit.  1682),  p.  134. 

2  Ibid.,  and  Walter's  Life  of  More,  p.  91. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  161 

therefore  lay  aside  those  poor  scruples  and  do  what 
ma}7  be  worthy  the  dignity  and  honour  of  our  nation. 
When  you  did  conceive  the  worst  that  can  fall  out, 
you  should  yet  eat  your  beef  and  mutton  here,  and 
wear  your  country  cloth ;  while  others,  upon  a  short 
allowance,  fought  only  that  you  might  enjoy  your 
families  and  liberty.  But  I  say  confidently,  you  need 
not  fear  this  penury  or  scarceness  of  money,  the 
intercourse  of  things  being  so  established  throughout 
the  wrorld  that  there  is  perpetual  derivation  of  all 
that  can  be  necessary  to  mankind.  Thus  your 
commodities  will  ever  find  out  money ;  while,  not 
to  go  far,  I  shall  produce  our  owrn  merchants  only, 
who,  let  me  assure  you,  will  be  always  as  glad  of 
your  corn  and  cattle  as  you  can  be  of  anything 
they  bring  you.  Let  us,  therefore,  in  God's  name, 
do  what  becomes  us;  and  for  the  rest,  entertain 
so  good  an  opinion  of  our  soldiers  as  to  believe 
that,  instead  of  leaving  our  country  bare,  they  will 
add  new  provinces  to  it,  or  at  least,  bring  rich 
spoils  and  triumphs  home." 

After  debate  it  was  agreed  that  a  subsidy  on 
a  graduated  scale  should  be  granted ;  but  the  sum 
did  not  reach  what  Wolsey  had  asked.  Then  the 
Cardinal  came  down  again  to  the  House  to  address 
the  members.  His  speech  was  heard  in  silence,  but, 
say  Hall  and  Lord  Herbert,  More  intimated  that  it 
could  not  be  discussed  in  his  presence, — "  it  was  the 
order  of  the  House  to  hear,  and  not  to  reason,  save 
among  themselves."  Subsequently  it  was  decided 
that  a  fifth  should  be  granted  by  those  holding  lands 
to  the  value  of  five  pounds  and  upwards.     On  the 

u 


162  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

reassembling  of  the  House  after  an  adjournment, 
the  knights  of  the  shire  agreed  to  continue  their 
grant  to  a  fourth  year,  and  proposed  that  it  should 
be  paid  also  by  those  who  had  five  pounds  in  gold. 
After  a  heated  discussion  More  interfered  as  a  peace- 
maker, and  secured  the  acceptance  of  the  motion. 

It  was  natural  that  Wolsey,  though  all  that  he 
had  asked  had  not  been  obtained,  should  be  grate- 
ful to  More :  and  on  August  24 x  he  wrote  to  the 
King,  advising  the  gift  of  £100  to  the  Speaker  for 
his  household,  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  fee  of 
£100.  The  reward  can  never  have  been  better 
deserved  than  by  the  "  faithful  diligence "  of  More 
"  in  all  your  causes  treated  in  this  your  late  parlia- 
ment, as  well  as  for  your  subsidy."  He  adds,  "I 
am  the  rather  moved  to  put  your  highness  in  mind 
thereof,  because  he  is  not  the  most  ready  to  speak 
and  solicit  his  own  cause."  So  far  was  Wolsey  from 
feeling  any  displeasure  against  More.  The  latter, 
writing  to  the  Cardinal  two  days  afterwards,  men- 
tions that  the  King  has  ordered  that  he  receive 
the  £200  from  the  exchequer.2  As  the  relations 
between  More  and  Wolsey  have  here  come  into 
prominence,  it  may  be  well  to  notice  other  references 
to  their  connexion.  They  are  to  said  to  have 
first  become  acquainted  at  Oxford,3  when  More 
was  a  student  at  Canterbury  College  and  Wolsey 
bursar  of  Magdalen ;  and  the  "  epigrams "  of  the 
former  contain  a  high  compliment  to  the  latter. 
Writing     to    Erasmus    in    February    1516,    More 

1  Letters  and  Papers,  iii.  3267. 

2  Ibid.  iii.  3270,  s  Walter,  p.  6. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  163 

spoke  in  the  highest  terms  of  the  new  Chan- 
cellor. "  He  acquits  himself,"  said  the  young 
barrister,  "so  well  as  to  outdo  expectation,  and, 
what  must  be  admitted  to  be  very  difficult,  even 
after  so  excellent  a  predecessor  he  gives  the  greatest 
satisfaction."  Ammonius,  speaking  of  Morc's  return 
to  England  after  his  first  embassy,  describes  him  as 
among  the  earliest  in  paying  salutations  to  Wolsey. 
The  Cardinal  fully  appreciated  his  ability,  and  was 
at  least  as  anxious  as  the  King  to  bring-  him  to 
Court;  nor  can  his  subsequent  promotions  have 
taken  place  without  the  minister's  approbation.  At 
the  time  of  the  Parliament  of  1523,  and  for  some 
years  afterwards,  the  two  statesmen  were  in  con- 
stant correspondence  :  More  was  acting,  on  occa- 
sion, as  the  medium  of  communication  between  the 
King  and  the  Chancellor,  explaining,  illustrating, 
enforcing,  the  views  of  the  latter,  with  all  his  energy 
and  skill.  The  letters  that  passed  between  them 
were  always  of  the  most  cordial  kind.  Wolsey 
commits  the  most  delicate  matters  to  the  chnrgc 
of  More,  sure  of  his  appreciation  and  diligence : 
More  repays  the  confidence  with  zeal  and  affection. 
The  biographers  of  the  latter  have  invariably 
endeavoured  to  suggest  a  hostility  between  their 
hero  and  the  great  Cardinal,  but  their  case  is  almost 
entirely  without  support.  No  good  minister  was 
ever  condemned  by  his  fall  to  such  immediate  as 
well  as  enduring  unpopularity  as  was  Wolsey.  Of 
this  feeling  Erasmus,  probably  because  he  did  not 
consider  that  he  had  been  sufficiently  noticed  by 
the  fallen  statesman,  and  quite  inconsistently  with 


Kit  SIR   THOMAS  MORE 

the  opinions  lie  had  expressed  during  the  Cardinal's 
exercise  of  power,  made  himself  one  of  the  ex- 
ponents ;  and — as  far  as  we  can  see — gratuitously, 
informed  the  world  when  it  was  mourning  for  the 
death  of  More,  that  the  conscientious  statesman 
"had  never  been  liked  by  Wolsey."  Roper  and 
succeeding  Roman  Catholic  writers,  among  whom 
Wolsey  has  never  been  popular,  gave  credit  to  the 
same  view. 

That  the  relations  between  the  Cardinal  and 
More  continued  to  be  cordial,  a  glance  at  some  of 
the  letters  that  passed  between  them  suffice  to 
show. 

Writing  to  "  my  Lord  Legate"1  on  September  1, 
1523,  More  described  how  he  had  shown  his  letters 
to  the  King,  and  how  Henry  had  been  delighted 
with  his  skill  and  wisdom  in  the  difficult  business 
regarding  Scotland,  and  "  perceived  what  great 
labour  Wolsey  had  taken  when  the  reading  only  of 
those  papers  had  held  him  more  than  two  hours." 
"  I  never  saw  him  like  things  better,"  added  the 
writer,  "and,  in  my  poor  fantasy,  not  causelessly; 
for  it  (the  letter  to  the  King's  sister,  the  Queen  of 
Scots)  is  one  of  the  best  made  letters  for  words, 
matter,  sentence,  and  couching,  that  ever  I  read  in 
my  life."  On  the  4th,2  More  wrote  again — this 
time  on  the  directions  to  be  given  for  the  move- 
ment of  Suffolk's  army  from  Calais — and  expressed 
his  pleasure  "that  his  own  services  were  so  well 
liked  "  by  Wolsey.    The  correspondence  was  constant. 

1  State  Papers,  i.  128  ;  Ellis,  Letters,  1st  Series,  i.  203. 
2  State  Papers,  i.  130. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  165 

Mure  wrote  ou  the  12th,1  about  the  preparation 
for  the  siege  of  Boulogne  ;  on  the  13th,  about  the 
negotiations  with  Bourbon ; 2  on  the  22nd  and  on  the 
24th,  concerning  the  Scotch  difficulty;3  and  on  the 
30th,  in  joyful  acknowledgment  of  the  success  of 
Suffolk's  army.4  Nor  was  he  solely  engaged  in 
attendance  on  the  King;  he  was  on  the  Commission 
for  Middlesex,  to  collect  the  subsidy  in  the  grant  of 
which  his  own  exertions  had  so  greatly  aided.  He 
was  also  on  the  Commission  of  the  Peace5  for  the 
same  county,  and  on  his  own  account  he  seems  to 
have  entered  into  mercantile  undertakings.0 

During  the  years  1524  and  1525  there  is  little  to 
notice  in  the  correspondence  between  More  and 
Wolsey,  except  the  amusing  incidents  connected 
with  the  arrest  of  one  of  the  servants  of  the 
Imperial  ambassador  by  a  patrol,  and  the  perusal  of 
the  ambassador's  reports  by  More  (to  whom  they 
were  taken  when  he  was  still  in  bed  very  early 
one  morning)  and  Wolsey.  These  are  detailed  at 
great  length  in  the  indignant  correspondence  of  dc 
Pract,  and  led  to  the  writing  of  a  great  number  of 
State  Papers,  ending  in  the  publication  of  an  official 
Vindication  of  the  English.7 

In  1526,  More's  name  occurs  among  those  who 
took  part  in  the  ceremony  with  which,  on  June  10, 

1  State  Papers,  i.  131.  2  Ibid.  130.        3  U>!<1  140. 

4  Ellis,  Letters,  1st  Series,  i.  210. 

6  April  and  October  1523;  Letters  "ml  Papers,  iii.  3l9o, 
2993. 

G  E.  g.  Letters  and  Papers,  iv.  2248  j  License  to  export  1000 
woollen  cloths. 

7  See  Spanish  8t  ■<    Papers,  1525-2G,  especially  pp.  50,  62. 


16G  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

the  King's  natural  son  Henry,  a  little  boy  of  six,  was 
created  Duke  of  Richmond.  On  August  14,  he  was 
among  the  signatories  of  the  truce  between  England 
and  France,  and  on  the  30th,  of  the  "  treaty  of  the 
More."  He  received  a  further  acknowledgment  of 
his  services  on  the  death  of  Sir  Richard  Wingneld, 
when  he  was  appointed  Chancellor  of  the  Duchy 
of  Lancaster.1 

In  1526,  too,  he  was  made  one  of  a  Committee  of 
the  Council  of  but  three  members,  of  whom  two 
were  every  day  to  see  the  King,1  waiting  for  him 
"  every  day  in  the  forenoon  by  ten  of  the  clock  at 
the  furthest,  and  at  afternoon  by  two  of  the  clock.''  - 

Thus  almost  daily  More  had  long  speech  with  the 
King,  and  the  talk  began  more  and  more  to  turn 
upon  the  religious  matters  in  which  he  had  become 
keenly  interested. 

Critical  questions  began  to  press  on  him  both  in  his 
own  thoughts  and  on  behalf  of  the  Kiug  in  the  con- 
troversy with  Luther.  Nor  had  he  been  able,  much 
as  he  wished  it,  to  keep  out  of  the  discussions  and 
projects  to  which  the  question  of  the  Divorce  gave 
rise.  The  King  early  mooted  to  him  his  'secret 
matter,'  and  '  sore  pressed  him  '  for  an  answer  on 
it.  After  excusing  himself  as  long  as  he  could,  he 
at  last  agreed  to  confer  with  the  Bishops  of  Durham 
and  Bath,  and  taking  with  him  the  passages  from 
Scripture  with  which  the  King  had  supported  his 
argument,  compared  them  '  with  the  exposition  of 
divers  of  the  old  holy  doctors.'    When  he  returned  to 

1  Mackintosh,  p.  91,  note. 

2  Brewer,  Henry  VIII.  i.  .">4. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  167 

the  King,  "  in  talking  with  his  grace  of  the  foresaid 
matter,  he  said, '  To  be  plain  with  your  grace,  neither 
my  lord  of  Durham  nor  my  lord  of  Bath,  though  I 
know  them  both  to  be  wise,  virtuous,  and  learned, 
and  honourable  prelates,  nor  myself  with  the  rest  of 
your  council,  being  all  your  grace's  own  servants,  for 
your  manifold  benefits  daily  conferred  upon  us  so 
most  bounden  unto  you,  be  in  my  opinion  meet 
counsellors  for  your  grace  herein ;  but  if  your  grace 
minds  to  understand  the  truth,  such  counsellors  may 
you  have  devised,  as  neither  for  respect  of  their  own 
worldly  commodity,  nor  for  fear  of  your  princely 
authority  will  be  inclined  to  deceive  you.'  To  whom 
he  named  '  S.  Jerome,  S.  Augustine,  and  divers  other 
holy  doctors,  both  Greeks  and  Latins ;  and  more- 
over showed  him  what  authority  he  had  gathered 
out  of  them,  which  although  the  king  did  not  very 
well  like  of,  yet  were  they  by  Sir  Thomas  More  (who 
in  all  his  communications  with  the  king  in  that 
matter  had  always  most  wisely  behaved  himself)  so 
wisely  tempered,  that  he  both  presently  took  them  in 
good  part  and  often  times  had  thereof  conference 
with  him    again."  l 

When  Campeggio  arrived  and  was  received  in 
London  with  solemn  formality  by  the  religious  and 
secular  authorities,  to  More  was  committed  the  task 
of  delivering  the  Latin  oration  with  which  he  was 
greeted.  In  such  ceremonies  his  position  entitled 
and  obliged  him  to  share ;  but  he  took  no  part  in 
advancing  the  King's  great  desire.  Henry  employed 
him  in  other  matters.  It  was  rumoured  at  one  time 
1   Roper,  pp.  20,  21, 


168  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

that  be  was  to  be  sent  to  Ireland  ; l  but  we  bear  no 
more  of  it.  On  May  29, 1529,  be  was  Commissioner 2 
witb  Stephen  Gardiner,  then  Archdeacon  of  Taunton, 
for  the  signature  of  a  new  engagement  with  Francis 
I.,  in  which  Wolsey's  visit  to  France  was  arranged. 
On  July  3,  the  Cardinal  arrived  at  Calais,  attended 
by  a  gorgeous  train,  among  whom  were  the  Bishop 
of  London,  the  Lord  Chamberlain,  the  Master  Con- 
trotter,  and  the  Chancellor  of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster. 

It  is  no  part  of  our  task  to  give  any  account  of 
the  mission  ;  More  has  unfortunately  left  no  record 
of  it,  and,  indeed,  his  concern  in  it  seems  to  have 
been  purely  ceremonial.  Wolsey  returned  to  Court 
at  the  end  of  September,  and  was  followed  by  a 
French  embassy,  by  which  '  pensions '  were  lavishly 
distributed,  More  receiving  one  hundred  and  fifty 
crowns.3 

In  July,  the  Chancellor  of  the  Duchy  accompanied 
Tunstal  to  Cambray,  to  mediate,  on  the  part  of 
England,  between  Charles  V.  and  Francis  I.  Their 
commission  was  issued  on  June  SO.1  After  attesting 
the  treaty  of  Cambray  on  August  5,5  and  signing  also 
a  mercantile  treaty  with  the  Archduchess  Margaret, 
they  returned  to  England.  On  this  mission,  says 
Roper,0  "  Sir  Thomas  More  so  worthily  handled  him- 
self (procuring  in  our  league  far  more  benefits  unto 
bis  realm  than  at  that  time  by  the  king  and  council 
was  possible  to  be  compassed),  that  for  his  good  service 
on  that  voyage,  the  king,  when  he  after  made  him 

1  Du  Bellay  to  Montmorency,  Letters  and  Papers,  iv.  5679. 

2  Ibid.  iv.  3138.         3  Letters  and  Papers,  iv.  3619. 

4  Ibid.  iv.  5744.         s  Ibid.  iv.  5829.  e  Pages  22,  23. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  L69 

Lord  Chancellor,  caused  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  openly 
to  declare  unto  the  people,  how  much  all  England 
•was  bound  unto  him." 

Yet  all  this  while  he  was  sad  at  heart.  "So  on  a 
time,"  says  Roper,1  with  the  quaint  pathos  which  is 
the  great  charm  of  his  work,  "  walking  along  the 
Thames  side  with  me  at  Chelsea,  in  talking  of  other 
things,  he  said  to  me, '  Now  would  to  God,  son  Roper, 
upon  condition  three  things  were  well  established  in 
Christendom  I  were  put  in  a  sack  and  here  presently 
cast  into  the  Thames.'  '  What  great  things  be  these, 
sir,'  quoth  I,  '  that  would  move  you  so  to  wish  ? ' 
'Wouldst  thou  know,  son  Roper,  what  they  be?' 
quoth  he.  'Yea,  marry,  sir,  with  a  good  will  if  it 
please  you,'  quoth  I.  '  I'faith  they  be  these,  son,' 
quoth  he.  '  The  first  is,  that  whereas  the  most  part 
of  Christian  princes  be  at  mortal  wars,  they  were  at 
universal  peace.  The  second,  that  where  the  Church 
of  Christ  is  at  this  present  sore  afflicted  with  many 
heresies  and  errors,  it  were  well  settled  in  an  unifor- 
mity of  Religion.  The  third,  that  where  the  king's 
matter  of  his  marriage  is  now  come  into  question,  it 
were  to  the  glory  of  God  and  quietness  of  all  parties 
brought  to  a  good  conclusion;'  whereby,  as  I  could 
gather,  he  judged  that  otherwise  it  would  be  a  dis- 
turbance to  a  great  part  of  Christendom.  Thus  .lid 
it  by  his  doings  throughout  the  whole  course  of  his 
lite  appear  that  all  his  travails  and  pains,  without 
respect  of  earthly  commodities  either  to  himself  or 
any  of  his,  were  only  upon  the  service  of  God,  the 
prince  and  the  realm,  wholly  bestowed  and  employed. 

1  Pa^es  1G,  17. 


170  SIR   THOMAS   MORE 

Whom   in  his  latter  time  I  heard  to  say  that   he 
never  asked  of  the  king  the  value  of  one  penny." 

No  sooner  had  More  returned  from  Cambray  than 
he  found  the  King  had  by  no  means  given  up  the 
hope  of  winning  him  over  to  his  views.  Henry 
insisted  on  his  conferring  with  Stokesley,  then 
Archdeacon  of  Dorset,  who  was  elevated  to  the  see 
of  London  in  the  next  year.1  Still  More  remained 
firm  in  his  opinion,  though  he  made  no  boast  of  it, 
anxious  even  to  see  as  the  King  saw,  if  in  honour 
and  conscience  he  might.  The  theologian,  partisan 
thouo-h  he  was,  admitted  "  that  he  found  him  in  his 
grace's  cause  very  toward,  and  desirous  to  find  some 
good  matter  wherewith  he  might  truly  serve  his 
grace  to  his  content."  It  was  a  dangerous  moment. 
At  the  council  held,  as  usual  to  prepare  business 
fur  Parliament,  the  King  had  treated  Wolsey  with 
contempt ;  yet,  in  spite  of  the  disgrace  which  he  had 
seen  preparing  for  some  time,  the  Cardinal  clung 
to  office.  It  might  have  seemed  that  when  he  fell 
More  would  fall  with  him.  Not  only,  however, 
was  Henry's  animosity  always  personal  rather  than 
extensive,  but  he  well  knew  the  value  of  such 
a  servant.  Moreover  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  the 
leader  of  the  party  that  now  had  the  royal  ear,  was 
More's  "singular  dear  friend."2  Wolsey  himself 
declared,  it  was  said,  that  More  was  the  only  person 
fit  to  succeed  him.3    Thus  it  was,  and  also,  as  men 

1  Here  occurs  another  of  Roper's  inaccuracies.  He  makes 
Stokesley  Bishop  of  London  before  More  was  Chancellor.  One 
must  therefore  choose  at  will  the  date  of  the  conference 
between  them.  _  2  Roper,  p.  30. 

3  Erasmus  to  John  Faber,  Bishop  of  Vienne. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  171 

suspected,1  from  a  hope  that  by  such  promotion  he 
might  be  inclined  towards  the  divorce,  that  when 
Wolsey  had  reluctantly  yielded  up  the  great  seal, 
it  was  delivered  by  the  King  to  Sir  Thomas  More. 

That  his  greatness  was  thrust  upon  him,  no  one 
who  knows  anything  of  his  character  can  doubt. 
Long  before,  he  had  seen  the  nature  of  the  King's 
confidence,  and  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  he 
foresaw,  if  not  the  circumstances,  yet  certainly  the 
result  of  his  taking  office.  His  onward  path  was  no 
"blindfold  walking";  he  well  knew  that  "behind 
him  stalked  the  headsman."  His  acceptance  of  the 
great  seal,  rightly  estimated,  seems  one  of  the 
noblest  and  most  conscientious  acts  of  a  noble  and 
conscientious  life. 

On  Tuesday,  October  20,  1529,  Sir  Thomas  More 
took  the  oaths  in  the  great  hall  at  Westminster, 
in  the  presence  of  the  Dukes  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk 
and  many  of  the  nobility.2  Not  a  murmur,  open 
or  secret,  arose  at  the  appointment ;  the  people 
"were  gathered  together  with  great  applause  and 
joy";3  even  Wolsey,  in  his  misery,  declared  that 
no  man  in  England  was  more  worthy.4  The  new 
Chancellor  was  installed  by  the  Duke  of  Norfolk, 
who  delivered  a  speech,  not  preserved  by  Roper,  but 
given    in    full    by   Cresacre    More.5     "The    king's 

1  So  said  Pule  (Stapleton,  cap.  xiv.  p.  294)  and  Thuanus 
Hist,   mi   temporis,    lib.  ii.    cap.    16,  "Neutiipam    Regis 
causae  aequior  ). 

-  Rymer,  xiv.  349.  Ores.  More,  p.  156. 

*  Stapleton,  cup.  iii.  p.  172. 

■  Pages  166— 168.     It  may  seem  the  language  of  the  even 
teenth  rather  than  the  sixteenth  century. 


172  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

majesty,"  lie  said,  "bath  raised  to  the  most  high 
dignity  of  Chancellorship  Sir  Thomas  More,  a  man 
for  his  extraordinary  worth  and  sufficiency  well 
known  to  himself  and  the  whole  realm,  for  no  other 
cause  or  earthly  respect,  but  for  that  he  hath  plainly 
perceived  all  the  gifts  of  nature  and  grace  to  be 
heaped  upon  him,  which  either  the  people  could 
desire  or  himself  wish  for,  for  the  discharge  of  so 
great  an  office.  For  the  admirable  wisdom,  integrity, 
and  inuocence,  joined  with  most  pleasant  facility  of 
wit,  that  this  man  is  endowed  withal,  have  been 
sufficiently  known  to  all  Englishmen  from  their 
youth,  and  for  these  many  years  to  the  king's 
majesty  himself.  ...  He  hath  perceived  no  man 
in  his  realm  to  be  more  wise  in  deliberating,  more 
sincere  in  opening  to  him  what  he  thought,  or  more 
eloquent  in  expressing  what  he  uttered."  Then, 
after  declaring  that  More's  virtues  were  such  as 
made  permissible  the  elevation  of  a  layman  to  an 
office  which  custom  of  recent  times  had  given  to 
ecclesiastics,  he  commended  the  Chancellor  to  the 
"joyful  acclamations  of  the  people." 

It  is  difficult  to  regard  the  speech  in  the  form 
given  by  Cresacre  More,  or,  indeed,  the  reply  of 
the  Chancellor,  as  authentic  ;  both  seem  to  be  an 
expansion,  not  altogether  free  from  anachronisms, 
of  the  simple  statement  of  Roper,  who  confesses  that 
the  speeches  "  are  not  now  in  his  memory."  Taking, 
then,  the  probably  more  accurate  words  of  Roper, 
we  are  told  that  More,  "  among  many  other  his 
humble  and  wise  sayings,  answered  that  though  he 
had  good  cause  to  rejoice  of  his  highness'  singular 


POLITICAL   LIFE  173 

favour  towards  him,  that  ho  had  far  above  his  deserts 

so  highly  commended  him,  yet  nevertheless  he  must 
for  his  own  part  needs  confess  that  in  all  things  by 
his  grace  alleged  he  had  done  no  more  than  -was  his 
duty.  And  further  disabled  himself  as  unmeet  for 
that  room,  wherein  considering  how  wise  and 
honourable  a  prelate  had  lately  before  taken  so 
great  a  fall,  he  had,  he  said,  thereof  no  cause  to 
rejoice."  x  And  so  at  the  moment  when  all  men 
were  reviling  Wolsey,  the  new  Chancellor  took  office 
with  words  of  praise  as  honourable  to  the  fallen 
statesman  as  to  himself. 

On  the  3rd  of  November  the  Parliament  assembled 
at  Blackfriars,  the  King  being  present.  According 
to  the  brief  account  in  the  Parliament  Rolls,'2  Sir 
Thomas  More,  as  Chancellor,  in  the  opening  speech 
declared  the  cause  of  the  summons  to  be,  "  to  reform 
such  things  as  have  been  used  or  permitted  in 
England  by  inadvertence  or  by  the  changes  of  time 
have  become  inexpedient,  aiad  to  make  new  statutes 
and  laws,  where  it  is  thought  fit."  "  On  these  errors 
and  abuses  he  discoursed,"  continues  the  Roll,  "  in 
a  long  and  elegant  speech,  declaring  with  great 
eloquence  what  was  needful  for  their  reformation  : 
and  in  the  end  he  ordered  the  Commons  in  the 
king's  name  to  assemble  next  day  in  their  accustomed 
house,  and  choose  a  Speaker,  whom  they  should 
present  to  the  king." 

Of  More's  speech  Hall 3  gives  a  more  full  account, 
which  is  scarcely  reconcilable  with  the  statement  of 

1  Roper,  p.  24.  2  Letters  and  Papers,  vol,  ii.  0013. 

3  Pnse  764. 


174  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

the  Roll,1  and  still  less  with  More's  character. 
"  When  the  king  was  seated  on  his  throne,  Sir 
Thomas  More,  his  chancellor,  standing  on  his  right 
hand,  made  an  eloquent  oration  :  '  Like  as  a  good 
shepherd,  which  not  only  keepeth  and  attendeth  well 
his  sheep,  but  also  foreseeth  and  provideth  for  all 
things  that  may  be  hurtful  or  noisome  to  the  flock  : 
so  the  king,  which  is  the  shepherd,  ruler,  and  governor 
of  his  realm,  vigilantly  foreseeing  things  to  come,  con- 
sidering how  divers  laws  by  the  mutation  of  things  are 
insufficient  and  imperfect,  and  also  by  the  frail  con- 
dition of  man  divers  new  enormities  are  sprung  up 
among  the  people,  for  the  which  no  law  is  yet  made 
to  reform  the  same — for  this  cause  the  king  at  this 
time  hath  summoned  his  high  court  of  Parliament. 
And  I  liken  the  king  to  a  shepherd  .  «  .  and  as  you 
see  that,  amongst  a  great  flock,  some  are  rotten  and 
faulty,  which  the  good  shepherd  sendeth  from  the 
sound  sheep,  so  the  great  wether,  which  is  of  late 
fallen,  as  you  all  know,  so  craftily,  so  scabbedly,  yea, 
so  untruly,  juggled  with  the  king,  that  all  men  must 
needs  guess  that  he  thought  in  himself  either  the 
king  had  no  wish  to  perceive  his  crafty  doings,  or 
else  that  he  would  not  see  nor  know  them.  But  he 
was  deceived  ;  for  his  grace's  sight  was  so  quick  and 
penetrable,  that  he  saw  him,  yea,  and  saw  through 
him,  both  within  and  without :  and  according  to  his 
desert  he  hath  a  gentle  correction ;  which  small 
punishment  the  king  will  not  to  be  an  example  to 
other  offenders,  but  openly  declareth  that  whosoever 
hereafter  shall  make  the  like  attempts,  or  counsel 
1  Letters  and  Papers,  vol.  iv.     Preface,  p.  538. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  175 

the  like  offences  shall  not  escape  with  the  like 
punishment.'"  This  report  bears  an  appearance  of 
exactness,  which  makes  it  impossible,  in  the  face  of 
the  rather  negative  than  positive  evidence  of  the 
Parliament  Rolls,  at  once  to  condemn  it  as  untrue ; 
and  it  is  to  some  extent  corroborated  by  the  long- 
letter  which  Chapuys  wrote  to  the  Emperor  de- 
tailing the  events  of  the  opening  of  Parliament. 
More,  as  Chancellor,  was  bound  to  vindicate  Henry's 
action,  but  there  are  some  considerations  tending  to 
throw  discredit  upon  the  speech  as  Roper  gives  it.  If 
we  have  been  right  in  inferring  that  in  their  account 
of  the  Parliament  of  1523,  the  early  biographers 
of  More  were  misled  by  their  feeling  against  Wolsey 
into  evident  inaccuracy,  there  is  no  reason  why  a 
similar  error  should  not  have  been  committed  by 
a  writer  who  is  well  known  as  extremely  hostile 
both  to  Wolsey  and  More.  The  speech  is  incon- 
sistent with  Roper's  account  of  his  father-in-law's 
words  in  the  Chancery,  and  even  more  so  with  the 
tone  of  his  long  correspondence  with  the  Cardinal. 
Nor  was  More  a  man  to  turn  on  a  fallen  minister  in 
such  a  manner,  or  join  in  a  popular  cry  of  resent- 
ment.1 It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  Hall  is  the 
only  authority  for  the  speech  in  this  form. 

It  must  be  added,  however,  that  the  name  of  the 
Chancellor  appears  at  the  head  of  the  signatures  to 
the  articles  against  Wolsey  presented  by  the  House 

1  I  speak  ii'  >t  without  temerity,  for  Bishop  Crei^hton,  whom 
it  i^  rash  indeed  to  oppose,  accepts  the  speech  without  demur, 
and  write    of  "unworthy  taunts  at  his  defeated  adversary" 
\\rni  ,  ,i.  p,  L90),    But  Wolsey  was  not  More'fl  adver  ar] 


170  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

of  Lords  to  the  King,  on  December  1.  And  Chapuys 
shows  that  More  did  vindicate  the  King's  action, 
and  speak  severely  of  Wolsey's  policy.1 

During  the  short  session  of  this  Parliament 
much  important  business  was  done,  but  we  have 
no  record  of  More's  share  in  it.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  when  the  prorogation  came,  the 
release  from  his  parliamentary  duties  would  be 
felt  as  a  great  relief;  for  he  had  little  sympathy 
with  the  work  that  was  now  in  hand.  The  legal 
work  of  his  office,  especially  during  the  prevalence 
of  heresy,  was  sufficient  to  tax  the  energies  of  any 
man.  Of  the  Chancellor's  duties,  apart  from  those 
connected  with  religion,  a  few  words  will  suffice.  It 
may  be  noticed  in  passing  that  for  salary  More 
received  £142  15s.,  and 'for  his  attendance  in  the 
Star  Chamber,'  £200  a  year.  '  Also  the  chief 
butler  was  to  allow  him  £64  a  year  for  the  price  of 
12  tuns  of  wine,  and  the  keeper  of  the  great  state 
robe  £16  a  year  for  wax.'2 

The  occupation  of  the  Court  of  Chancery  was,  of 
course,  trifling,  according  to  more  modern  ideas.  In 
the  century  after  More's  time — when  it  seems  to 
have  decided  on  an  average  a  hundred  and  sixty  suits 
a  year — its  business  had  increased  tenfold.  "  At  the 
utmost,"  says  Sir  James  Mackintosh,3  "More  did 
not  hear  more  than  two  hundred  cases  and  argu- 
ments yearly,  including  those  of  every  description. 
No  authentic  account  of  any  case  tried  before  him, 

1  Spanish  State  Papers,  1529-3),  pp.  322-323. 

2  Letters  and  Papers,  iv.  6079. 

3  Life  of  More,  p.  125. 


POLITICAL  LIFE  177 

it'  any  such  be  extant,  has  yet  been  brought  to  light. 
No  law  book  alludes  to  any  part  of  his  judgments 
or  reasonings.  Nothing  of  this  higher  part  of  his 
judicial  life  is  preserved  which  can  justify  us  in 
believing  more  than  that  it  must  have  displayed 
his  never -failing  integrity,  reason,  learning,  and 
eloquence." 

He  sat  every  afternoon  in  "  his  open  hall,  to  the 
intent  that  if  any  person  had  any  suit  unto  him  they 
might  the  more  boldly  come  into  his  presence,  and 
there  open  complaints  before  him."  x 

So  indefatigable  was  he  in  the  exercise  of  his 
office  that  on  one  occasion  when  he  called  for  the 
next  case,  he  was  answered  that  the  list  was 
exhausted.2  He  ordered  the  fact  to  be  put  upon 
record,  "and  deservedly  so,"  says  one  of  his  modern 
biographers,  "as  it  is  probably  the  only  miracle  of 
the  kind  mankind  will  ever  witness."  3  Though  his 
strict  justice  was  remarkable  in  that  age,  his  'in- 
junctions' did  not  pass  without  complaint  from  the 
common  lawyers.  This  was  brought  to  his  notice 
by  Roper,  and  he  thereupon  so  satisfactorily  explained 
all  the  injunctions  that  he  had  issued  that  the 
judges  were  forced  to  confess  that  they  in  similar 
cases  would  have  done  the  same. 

When  they  declined  themselves  to  attempt  any- 
humane  interpretation  of  the  law,  More  said — "  For- 
asmuch as  yourselves,  my  lords,  drive  me  to  that 
necessity  for  awarding  out  injunctions  to  relieve  the 
people's  injury,  you  cannot  hereafter  any  more  justly 

1  Roper,  p.  25.  a  Stapleton,  cap.  hi.  p.  IT.). 

a  Walter,  Life  of  More,  p.  17  J. 

N 


178  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

blame  me."  To  Eoper  he  added — "  I  perceive,  sir, 
why  they  like  not  so  to  do :  for  they  see  that  they 
may,  by  the  verdict  of  the  jury,  cast  off  all  quarrels 
from  themselves  upon  them,  which  they  account 
their  chief  defence,  and  therefore  am  I  compelled  to 
abide  the  adventure  of  all  such  reports." * 

Parliament  was  repeatedly  prorogued  "  on  account 
of  the  pestilence  in  London  and  its  suburbs,"  and 
did  not  reassemble  until  January  6,  1531.  During 
the  recess  More  had  as  far  as  possible  confined 
himself  to  his  legal  duties,  for  he  was  gradually 
more  and  more  estranged  from  the  Court  in  the 
matter  which  the  King  had  most  at  heart.  To 
the  famous  address  to  Clement  VII.  his  name  was 
not  appended.2  Yet  while  he  never  yielded  un- 
conscientious compliance,  he  shunned  unnecessary 
disobedience.  Indeed,  the  great  difference  between 
More  and  Henry  VIII.,  even  were  we  to  accept  Mr. 
Froude's  apologies  for  the  King,  can  never  be 
obliterated.  The  former  never  thought  it  right  to 
do  for  the  sake  of  public  policy  what  in  private 
life  would  have  been  a  wrong  act.3 

On  March   31,  More,  as   Chancellor,  went   down 

1  Roper,  p.  27. 

2  The  date  of  the  address  has  been  the  subject  of  dis- 
cussion :  Lord  Herbert  puts  it,  probably  correctly,  under 
the  year  1530.  Mr.  Froude  assigned  it  to  1531,  giving 
arguments  for  the  date,  in  which  he  cuiite  forgot  that  the 
signature  of  Wolsey,  who  died  Nov.  29,  1530,  is  appended 
to  it. 

3  Cf.  Froude,  Hid.  Eng.  vol.  i.  p.  417— "  Let  us  compensate 
the  poor  queen's  sorrows  with  unstinted  sympathy,  but  letus 
not  trifle  with  history  by  confusing  a  political  necessity  with 
a  moral  crime." 


POLITICAL  LIFE  170 

to  the  House  of  Commons  to  declare  the  favourable 
answers  of  the  Universities  on  the  Divorce,  'and  to 
exhibit  above  an  hundred  books  of  several  doctors, 
confirming  the  same  opinion.'  *  Yet  his  views  on 
this  question,  as  well  as  on  that  of  the  supremacy, 
were  perfectly  well  known.  The  letters  of  Chapuys 
to  Charles  V.  contain  very  interesting  references 
to  the  Chancellor's  position.  Of  the  assumption  of 
the  supremacy  the  ambassador  wrote — "  There  is 
none  that  do  not  blame  this  usurpation,  exccjDt  those 
who  have  promoted  it.  The  Chancellor  is  so  morti- 
fied at  it  that  lie  is  anxious  above  all  things  to 
resign  his  office.2  And  again,  of  his  feeling  towards 
Queen  Katherine  and  the  Emperor 3 — "  The  Chan- 
cellor, as  I  have  formerly  written,  has  conducted 
himself  most  virtuously  in  this  matter  of  the  Queen, 
and  certainly  showed  himself  as  well  inclined  to- 
wards your  majesty  as  could  be.  He  is  the  true 
father  and  protector  of  your  majesty's  subjects. 
Whenever  any  man  of  my  suite  has  been  at  court, 
he  has  broken  off  his  conversation  with  everybody 
else  to  attend  to  our  business,  and  every  one  whom 
I  have  recommended  to  him  he  has  despatched  with 
a  favourable  answer."  There  are  many  other  pas- 
sages which  show  that  More  was  in  constant  com- 
munication with  the  imperial  agents  and  a  most 
loyal  supporter  of  the  cause  of  the  unhappy  Katherine. 
More  retained  his  office  for  two  years  ;ind  a  half. 
Amid    ceaseless   anxiety   on   account    of    the   pro- 

1   Lord  Herbert,  \>.  352. 

-  Letters  and  Papers,  v.  112,  from  Vienna  Arcliiv 

8  Ibid.  v.  120. 


180  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

gress  of  heresy,  and  domestic  grief — the  death  of 
his  father  whom  he  loved  with  such  devotion  and 
reverence — in  spite,  too,  of  the  beginnings  of  a 
painful  disease,  he  endeavoured  manfully  to  do  his 
duty  according  to  his  conscience.  But  the  legisla- 
tion of  1531  and  1532  was  carried  against  all  his 
sympathies,  and  the  King  still  pressed  him  "  to 
weigh  and  consider  his  great  matter." l  During 
the  session  of  1532  he  continued  to  support  the 
political  and  financial  projects  of  the  Court;2  but 
he  opposed  the  King's  wishes  in  religious  matters.:J 
The  passing  of  the  Annates  Act  confirmed  the 
resolution  he  had  already  formed,  and  he  begged 
the  Duke  of  Norfolk  to  submit  his  resignation  to 
the  King.  After  some  trouble  it  was  accepted ;  and 
on  May  16,  "about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
in  the  garden  of  York  Place,  by  Westminster,"  he 
delivered  the  great  seal  into  the  King's  hands. 
Henry  seemed  for  the  moment  to  feel  a  return  of 
his  old  affection.  "  So  pleased  it  his  highness  to 
say  unto  him,  that  for  the  good  service  he  before 
had  done  him,  in  any  suit  which  he  should  after 
have  unto  him,  that  either  should  concern  his 
honour  (for  that  word  it  liked  his  highness  to  use 
unto  him)  or  that  should  appertain  to  his  profit,  he 
would  find  his  highness  a  good  and  gracious  lord 
unto  him."4  More  himself  gave  as  his  reason  for 
resigning,  "a  sharp  and  constant  pain  in  the  chest " ; 5 

1  Roper,  p.  29. 

2  See  Chapuys  to  Charles  V.,  April  10,  1532  :  Letters  and 
Papers,  v.  941. 

3  Ibid.  v.  1013,  1046.  *  Roper,  p.  30. 

6  Erasm.  Ep.  1857.    (Leyden  edit,  of  Works,  vol.  iii.) 


POLITICAL  LIFE  181 

but  public  opinion  took  another  view.  "  The  Chan- 
cellor," wrote  Chapuys  to  his  master,  "has  resigned, 
seeing  that  affairs  are  going  on  badly,  and  likely  to 
be  worse,  and  that  if  he  retained,  his  office  he  would 
be  obliged  to  act  against  his  conscience  or  incur  the 
King's  displeasure — as  he  had  already  begun  to  do, 
for  refusing  to  take  his  part  against  the  clergy.  His 
excuse  is  that  his  entertainment  was  too  small,  and 
that  he  was  not  equal  to  the  work.  Every  one  is 
concerned  :  for  there  never  was  a  better  man  in  the 
office." x 

The  morning  after  his  resignation  of  the  Chancel- 
lorship, More  took  a  strange  means  of  telling  his 
wife  what  he  had  done.  It  was  the  custom  for  one 
of  his  attendants  to  go  to  Dame  Alice's  pew  in 
Chelsea  Church,  on  Festival  Days  when  Mass  was 
over,  and  tell  her  that  "  '  my  lord  had  gone  before.' 
So  on  this  morning  More  himself  came,  and,  opening 
the  door  for  her,  said,  '  Madam,  my  lord  is  gone.' '' 
Then,  as  she  imagined  it  to  be  but  "one  of  his  jests, 
as  he  used  many  unto  her,"  he  told  her  his  meaning.2 

After  the  resignation  of  his  office, — receiving  now 
no  income  from  his  profession  or  from  the  city  as 
he  had  done  when  he  entered  the  royal  service, — 
he  had  only  £50  a  year,  independent  of  grants 
from  the  Crown.3  It  was  thus  impossible  for  him 
to  maintain  his  former  household.  For  his  gentle- 
men and  servants,  though  with  tears  in  their 
eyes  they  declared   that   they  would    rather  Berve 

Letters  "ml  "Papers,  v.  101C  :  from  Vienna  Archives. 
2  Roper,  p.  32,  and  Ores.  More,  in  further  detail,  j>.  186. 


182  SIB   THOMAS  MORE 

him    for    nothing*    than    others    for    high    salaries, 

he    found    good    positions.1     His   barge   and    eight 

watermen   he   gave   to   his   successor,   Sir  Thomas 

Audley;    his  fool   to   the   Lord   Mayor.     Then    he 

called  all  his  children  together  and  told  them  how 

poor  he  had  become :  much  as  he  wished  that  they 

should  continue  to  live  together,  he  could  no  longer 

pay  for  them  all.     "  When  he  saw  us  all  silent,  and 

in  that  case  not  ready  to  show  our  opinions  unto 

him  " — so  Roper  describes  the  scene  - — "  *  Then  will 

I,'  said  he,  '  show  my  poor  mind  unto  you.     I  have 

been  brought  up  at  Oxford,  at  an  Inn  of  Chancery, 

at  Lincoln's  Inn,  and  in  the  King's  Court,  so  forth 

from  the  lowest  degree  to  the  highest ;  and  yet  have 

I  in  yearly  revenues  little  more  than  one  hundred 

pounds  at  this  present  left  me.     So  that  we  must 

be   hereafter  contributors   together,   if  we  look   to 

live  together.     But  by  my  counsel  it  shall  not  be 

best   for  us  to   fall   to   the  lowest   fare   first.     We 

will  not   therefore  descend   to  Oxford  fare,  nor  to 

the  fare  of  New  Inn,  but  we  will  begin  with  Lincoln's 

Inn  diet,  where  many  right  worshipful  and  of  good 

years  do  live  full  well,  which  if  we  find  not  ourselves 

able  the  first  year  to  maintain,  then  will  we  the 

next  year  after  go  one  step  down  to  New  Inn  fare, 

wherewith  many  an  honest  man  is  well  contented. 

If  that   exceed   our  ability  too,  then  will  we  the 

next  year  after  descend  to  Oxford  fare,  where  many 

grave,  ancient,  and   learned   fathers   be  conversant 

continually;    which   if    our   ability   stretch   not    to 

maintain  neither,  then  may  we  yet  with  bags  and 

1  Cres.  More,  p.  187.  -  Roper,  p.  31, 


POLITICAL  LI]  L83 

wallets  go  a  bogging  together,  and,  hoping  for  pity 
some  good  folk  will  give  their  charity,  at  every 
man's  door  to  sing  Salve  Begina,  and  so  keep  com- 
pany merrily  together.' "  And  Roper  adds  that  when 
Sir  Thomas's  debts  were  paid  he  had  not  in  his 
possession  gold  and  silver,  excepting  his  chain,  to 
the  amount  of  £100.  There  is  a  pathetic  touch  to 
be  found  in  Harpsfield's  Life,1  which  shows  that 
this  poverty,  so  cheerfully  borne,  was  full  of  real 
hardships.  "He  was  not  able  for  the  maintenance 
of  himself  and  such  as  necessarily  belonged  to  him, 
sufficiently  to  find  meat,  drink,  fuel,  apparel  and 
such  other  necessary  things;  but  was  enforced  and 
compelled,  for  lack  of  other  fuel,  every  night  before 
he  went  to  bed,  to  cause  a  great  burden  of  ferns  to 
be  brought  into  his  own  chamber,  and  with  the  blaze 
thereof  to  warm  himself,  his  wife  and  his  children  ; 
and  so,  without  any  other  fire,  to  go  to  their  beds." 
There  could,  indeed,  be  no  better  proof  than  his  own 
life  of  the  truth  of  his  saying,  "  Good  deeds  the  world, 
being  ungrateful,  is  wont  never  to  recompense  ; 
neither  can  it,  were  it  grateful." 

1  Harpsfield,  Life  of  More.  Lambeth  MS.  No.  827,  quoted 
in  a  note,  pp.  93-99  of  Wordsworth's  /.'  ch  iastical  Biography, 
vol.  ii. 


CHAPTER   V. 

RELIGIOUS   LIFE   AND   WORKS. 

"  Philosophia  veritatem  quaerit,  theologia  invenit,  religio 
possidet." — Pico  della  Mibahdola. 

The  early  theological  studies  of  More  have  already 
been  mentioned,  and  his  connexion  with  the  awaken- 
ing of  religious  inquiry  in  England  has  been  referred 
to.  A  few  words  may  recall  his  position,  before  his 
writings  are  specifically  examined. 

That  his  views  were  throughout  his  life  in  substan- 
tial accordance  with  those  of  Erasmus  there  can  be 
little  reason  to  doubt.  In  so  far  as  humanism  "  con- 
sisted in  a  new  and  vital  perception  of  the  essential 
dignity  of  man  apart  from  theological  determinations  " 
the  whole  tone  of  More's  writings  proves  him  to 
have  been  a  humanist.  But  this  consciousness  of 
man's  own  dignity  and  power  was  combined  in  him 
with  no  under-estimation  of  the  value  of  Christian 
doctrine.  Rather  was  the  ideal  of  his  humanism 
distinctly  the  product  of  Christian  thought.  He  was 
thus  able  to  combine  intense  devotion  to  the  Church 
with  the  strongest  reprobation  of  ecclesiastical 
scandals  and  the  most  acute  perception  of  the  follies 
of  a  stagnant  theology.     He  wrote  some  of  his  most 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  AND   WORKS  185 

stinging  epigrams  against  ignorant  ami  immoral 
priests  and  incompetent  bishops.  Before  the  publi- 
cation of  the  Utopia,  his  antagonism  to  the  tyranny 
of  the  Scotist  theologians  was  well  known,  and  he 
was  looked  upon  with  suspicion  by  those  who  thought 
that  knowledge  of  Greek  fostered  heresy.  In  1517 
Pace  could  say  of  him  (it  was  after  telling  an 
amusing  story  of  one  of  his  wit-combats  with  dull 
theologians) — 

"  This  one  piece  of  ill-luck,  I  grieve  to  tell  you, 
follows  More  :  whenever  he  speaks  most  skilfully  and 
acutely  among  your  white-mitred  fathers  with  refer- 
ence to  their  special  science,  they  always  condemn 
him  and  call  all  he  says  childish  folly,  not  because 
they  really  think  him  worthy  of  condemnation,  but 
because  they  are  envious  of  his  remarkable  genius 
and  his  knowledge  of  other  sciences  whereof  they  are 
ignorant — in  a  word,  because  a  mere  boy  (so  they 
call  him)  a  long  way  excels  his  elders  in  wisdom."  l 

When  Erasmus  published  his  New  Testament, 
More  warmly  commended  it  to  the  great  men  of  the 
time,  exclaiming  in  his  verses  to  the  reader  (printed 
among  his  epigrams) — 

"  Xova  Christi  lex  nova  luce  nitet." 

In  1519,  he  gave  a  most  clear  exposition  of  his 
dissent  from  the  extravagances  of  popular  belief  and 
practice  in  a  letter  to  a  monk  who  had  warned  him 
against  associating  with  the  contemner  of  the  Vulgate.2 

i  De  Frucbu  qui  ex  Doctrind  Praecipitur,  pp.  83,  84.  Basil. 
1517. 

a  Epidolae  aliquot  erudiborum  virorwm,  up.  02— 138.  Basil. 
1520.     See  above,  pp.  72  sag. 


is,,  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

In  spite,  however,  of  his  sense  of  the  vices  of  the 
clergy,  More  had  abandoned  few,  if  any,  of  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Church,  in  whose  name  it  was  that  lie 
rebuked  sin  and  defended  learning.  This  is  most 
clearly  seen  in  his  controversial  works,  but  even  the 
Utopia  is  not  without  traces  of  the  same  attitude. 
No  portion  of  More's  ideal  republic  has  been  more 
often  the  subject  of  commentary  than  the  chapter 
Be  Beligionibus  Utopicnsivm.  On  the  beautiful 
picture  of  a  benign  and  rational  toleration  which  it 
presents  Mr.  Seebohm  x  has  rightly  laid  much  stress, 
but  he  has  surely  gone  beyond  his  text  when  he 
finds  in  the  Utopians  a  "  fearless  faith  in  the  con- 
sistency of  Christianity  with  science  "  and  a  "  signi- 
ficant denial  of  any  sacerdotal  sense"  to  their 
priesthood.  Is  there  any  less  slender  foundation  for 
a  statement  of  the  Utopians'  faith  in  the  consistency 
of  Christianity  with  science  than  the  words  gratum 
Deo  cv.ltv.m  putant  natures  contemplationcm  laudemqiic 
ah  ca?'2  The  "significant  denial"  of  sacerdotalism 
Mr.  Seebohm  supports  by  a  quotation  which  is 
scarcely  correct ;  and  he  does  not  observe  the  pros- 
tration of  the  people  on  the  priest's  entrance,  or  the 
distinctly  mentioned  eucharistic  significance  of  his 
vestments.  The  question  is  of  interest  only  as 
showing  how  far  the  Utopia  represents  More's  own 
opinions,  for  few  who  have  read  any  of  his  writings 
would  imagine  that  any  question  of  the  "  consistency 

1  Oxford  Reformers,  pp.  355  sqq. 

2  Latin  Works,  Louvain,  1555,  p.  17a.  Translated  by 
Ralph  Robinson,  "  They  think  that  the  contemplation  of 
nature  and  the  praise  thereof  coming  is  to  God  a  very  accept- 
able honour"  (Arber's  reprint,  p.  149). 


RELIGIOUS   LIFE  AND   WORKS  L87 

of  Christianity  with  science  "  ever  occurred  to  him  ; 

nor  can  there  be  the  least  doubt  that  More  attributed 
a  "  sacerdotal  sense "  to  the  Christian  priesthood. 
In  so  thinking  he  may  of  course  have  been  bigoted 
and  ignorant,  but  he  can  hardly  be  said  to  deserve 
an  undenominationalist's  eulogy.  Indeed,  all  such 
arguments,  both  on  the  religion  and  on  the  philo- 
sophy of  the  Utopians,  are  based  on  an  inference 
which,  whether  just  or  not,  More  himself  never 
draws.  For  instance,  it  has  been  said  that  the 
Utopians  "  recognized,  as  Mr.  Mill  urges  that  Chris- 
tians ought  to  do  now,  '  in  the  golden  rule  of  Jesus 
of  Nazareth  the  complete  spirit  of  the  ethics  of 
utility.'  "  x  Now  the  passage  which  is  alluded  to 
refers  unquestionably  to  the  views  of  the  Utopians 
before  their  conversion  to  Christianity,  and  therefore 
cannot  prove  any  connexion  between  their  philosophy 
and  the  revelation  of  Christ.  It  is,  of  course,  open 
to  any  one  to  say  that  their  conversion  would  have 
made  no  change  in  their  philosophic  opinions,  but 
it  is  hardly  permissible  to  take  the  point  for  granted. 
It  must  indeed  be  admitted  that  throughout  his 
book  Mr.  Scebohm,  while  he  rightly  lays  stress  on 
the  agreement  between  the  views  of  Colet,  Erasmus, 
and  More,  seems  to  exaggerate  the  freedom  of  their 
opinions.  One  instance  of  their  cordial  acceptance 
of  views  which  we  are  accustomed  to  regard  as 
especially  medieval  will  suffice.  The  question  of 
ecclesiastical  privilege  may  be  regarded  as  a  typical 
one.  In  England  at  least  the  claim  to  exemption 
from  civil  jurisdiction  had  always  been  warmly 
1  T)  mers,  1  t  edition,  p.  2 


188  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

contested,  and  the  progress  of  the  Reformation  pro- 
nounced more  and  more  decisively  against  it.  But 
More,  even  in  his  Utopia,  uses  the  strongest  argu- 
ments in  its  favour,  while  Colet,  in  his  famous  sermon 
before  the  Convocation  of  1512,1  expressly  declared 
it  to  be  just.  The  "  Oxford  reformers  "  were  indeed 
liberal,  tolerant,  and  pious  beyond  the  standard  of 
their  time,  but  in  doctrine  they  firmly  maintained 
the  principles  of  the  Catholic  Church.  Colet  did 
not  live  to  express  an  opinion  on  the  great  move- 
ments of  the  foreign  reformers ;  Erasmus,  after 
hesitating  for  a  while,  opposed  them ;  More  strongly 
and  decisively  condemned  their  whole  position. 
x*  Before  he  was  forced  into  the  arena  of  theological 
controversy  More  had  begun  to  write  a  short  devo- 
tional treatise  of  great  value  on  the  text  Memorare 
novissima,  et  in  aetemum  non  peccabis.2  The  book, 
which  is  almost  unknown,  is  well  worthy  to  be 
reprinted :  it  is  exceedingly  interesting,  not  only  as 
an  illustration  of  the  sincerity  and  beauty  of  More's 
character,  but  also  as  an  example  of  the  highest 
standard  of  Catholic  devotion  immediately  before 
the  Reformation.  The  title  names  it  a  "  treatysse 
^(unfynysshed)  upon  these  wordes  of  Holye  Scrypture, 
Memorare  nouissima,  et  in  etemum  non pcccahis,  'Re- 
member the  last  thynges,  and  thou  shalt  ncuer 
synne,' "  and  adds  that  it  was  "  made  about  the  yere 
of  our  Lorde  1522."  The  interest  which  attaches 
to  the  few  pages  lies  not  only  in  the  quaint  and 

1  Given  in  The  Oxford  Reformer*. 

2  English  W&rlis,  1557s  pp.  72—102.    The  treatise  is  un- 
finished. 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  AND  WORKS  189 

peculiar  style  in  which  the  deepest  thoughts  are 
with  all  sincerity  expressed,  but  also  in  the  period 
at  which  they  were  written.  In  1522  More  was  on 
the  point  of  making  that  choice  between  politics  and 
literature  which  has  come  to  so  many  great  men  at 
the  crisis  of  their  lives.  He  was  already  famous  in 
Europe  as  a  scholar,  as  a  writer  of  brilliant  epigrams, 
as  the  author  of  a  book  of  which  every  one  was  still 
speaking,  which  had  run  through  three  editions  in 
a  year,  and  which  had  put  forth  such  keen  criticism 
of  the  age  and  such  bold  schemes  for  reformation. 
"  What  might  not  this  great  genius  have  accom- 
plished," said  Erasmus,  "  had  he  been  educated  in 
Italy,  or  were  he  not  beiug  overwhelmed  by  political 
and  domestic  cares  ? "  More  had  already  performed 
several  important  diplomatic  missions,  and  was 
gradually  more  and  more  sought  after  by  the  King, 
whose  offers  he  had  at  first  steadily  refused.  He 
had  assisted  him  in  his  book  against  Luther;  he 
was  probably  already  preparing  his  own  reply  to 
that  heretic,  which  was  published  in  the  next  year. 
He  was  in  almost  daily  correspondence  with  Wolsey. 
A  great  political  career  seemed  open  to  him. 

It  was  at  such  a  time  that  More  deliberately  turned 
his  thoughts  to  the  most  solemn  of  all  matters, 
Mmwrare  novissima,  ct  in  aetemvm  non  pecedbis. 
The  little  meditation,  as  we  should  call  it,  which  he 
wrote  on  this  text,  evidently  came  freely  and  sin- 
cerely from  his  heart.  It  is  the  ready  humour, 
playing  even  round  subjects  the  most  tremendous 
that  man  can  contemplate,  that  gives  it  distinction 
and  freshness.     Not  seldom  does  the  treatment,  and 


190  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

sometimes  even  the  style,  remind  us  of  Jeremy 
Taylor,  for  the  quaint  incongruity  which  admits 
"  the  Ephesian  woman  that  the  soldier,  told  of  in 
Petronius  "to  a  share  in  our  thoughts  at  the  very 
moment  when  we  are  preparing  the  bodies  of  our 
friends  for  the  grave,  has  its  parallel  again  and  again 
in  the  thirty  pages  of  More's  little  work.  In  other 
wTays  the  writing  recalls  the  dignity  of  Hooker  and 
the  tenderness  of  George  Herbert.  It  is  a  model 
of  clear  and  expressive  English.  The  subject  itself 
may  have  been  suggested  by  the  Cordiall  ch  Quatuqr 
Novissimis,  attributed  to  Henricus  de  Hassia,  of 
which  an  English  version  by  Anthony  Wydville, 
Earl  Rivers,  had  been  printed  by  Caxton ;  but  the 
matter  is  entirely  original. 

The  scheme  was  not  completed — we  have  indeed 
not  finished  the  consideration  of  the  least  terrible 
of  the  Four  Last  Things — when  the  meditation 
suddenly  breaks  off.  Yet  there  is  enough  to  show 
on  what  practical  lines  the  religion  of  the  great 
lawyer  and  humanist  ran,  and  how  much  there  was 
in  the  devotion  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  our  land 
on  the  eve  of  the  Reformation  which,  in  modern 
phrase,  was  thoroughly  Anglican  in  temper.  The 
book,  indeed,  might  have  been  written  by  an 
English  writer,  not  of  the  Puritanical  school,  either 
before  or  after  the  Reformation,  and  is  a  striking- 
instance  of  how  little  our  devotional  standards  are 
modelled  upon  foreign  examples,  and  how  distinct 
a  style  the  mental  attitude  of  our  own  race  has 
contributed  to  the  devotional  treasury  of  the  uni- 
versal Church.      This  is  well  illustrated  also  by  a 


RELIGIOUS   LIFE   AND  WORKS  191 

comparison  with  that  earlier  religious  work  of  More's 
own — Lis  translation  of  Gian  Francesco's  biography 
of  Pico  della  Mirandola,  with  its  devotional  letters 
and  verses,  which  contain  such  a  touching  picture 
of  the  deep  religious  earnestness  of  the  fascinating 
hero. 

More,  it  is  plain  to  see,  had  been  profoundly  in- 
fluenced by  the  Renaissance  spirit  in  general  and  by 
the  beautiful  soul  of  Pico  in  particular.  Yet  his 
meditation  on  the  Four  Last  Things,  which  miffht 
bear  for  a  motto  the  last  words  of  the  dying  humanist 
to  his  nephew,  is  in  literary  tone  and  style  utterly 
unlike  anything  that  the  Italian  mystic  left  behind. 
The  treatise  indeed  is  as  thoroughly  English  in  its 
manner  as  it  is  in  its  matter ;  it  is  truly  a  work  of 
English  literature  as  well  as  of  English  religion. 

The  thought  of  death,  so  he  begins,  is  a  sovereign 
melicine  for  the  soul's  diseases — 

"The  phisicion  sendeth  his  bill  to  the  poticarv, 
and  therin  writeth  sommetime  a  costlye  receite  of 
many  straunge  herbes  and  rootes,  set  out  of  far 
countreis,  long  lien  drugges,  al  the  strength  worn 
out,  and  some  none  such  to  be  goten.  But  thvs 
phisicion  sendeth  his  bill  to  thyselfe,  no  strange 
thing  therein,  nothing  costly  to  bie,  nothing  farre  to 
set,  but  to  be  gathered  at  times  of  the  yere  in  the 
gardein  of  thyne  owne  soule." 

It  is  no  doubt  a  bitter  and  painful  medicine,  yet 
this  should  in  no  way  dissuade  us  from  its  use — 

"  Nowe  yf  amanne  bee  so  dayntyc  stomaked,  that, 
goyng  where  contagion  is,  he  would  grudge  to  take 
a  lyttlc  tryacle,  yet  were   he  very  nycely  wanton   if 


192  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

he  might  not  at  the  lestwise  take  a  little  vynegre 
and  rose  water  in  his  handkercher." 

Pleasure,  indeed,  stands  in  the  way  of  solemn 
thoughts ;  yet  how  much  superior  is  spiritual  to 
worldly  delight !  And  a  joy  in  spiritual  exercises  is 
of  all  things  the  best  preventive  of  sin.  But  here 
the  chief  end  of  the  Christian  life,  it  will  be  argued, 
is  not  attained — 

"  Thou  wilt  happely  say,  that  it  is  not  ynough  that 
a  man  do  none  euyl,  but  he  must  also  do  good.  This 
is  verye  truth  that  ye  say.  But  first  if  ther  be  but 
these  two  steppes  to  heaven,  he  that  getteth  him 
on  the  one  is  halfe  up.  And  over  it,  who  so  docth 
none  euil,  it  will  be  very  hard  but  he  must  nedes  do 
good,  syth  man's  mind  is  neuer  ydle,  but  occupyed 
commonly  either  with  good  or  euil." 

Let  the  mind  ever  be  occupied  with  good  thoughts 
or  with  good  speech,  and  yet  not  ever  babbling. 
There  is  a 

"  Time  to  speke  and  time  to  keep  thy  tong. 
Whansoever  ye  communicacion  is  nought  and  un- 
godly, it  is  better  to  holde  thy  tong  and  think  on 
some  better  thing  the  while,  than  to  giue  ear  therto 
and  underpinne  the  tale.  And  yet  better  were  it 
then  holdynge  of  thy  tong  properly  to  speake,  and 
with  som  good  grace  and  pleasant  fashion  to  break 
into  some  better  matter.  By  which  thy  speache  and 
talking  thou  shalt  not  onely  profitc  thyselfe  as  thou 
sholdest  have  done  by  thy  well-minded  sylence,  but 
also  amend  the  whole  audience,  which  is  a  thynge 
farre  better  and  of  much  more  merite.  Howbeit,  if 
thou  can  find  no  proper  meane  to  break  the  tale, 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  AND  WORKS  L93 

than  excepte  thy  bare  autboritie  suffice  to  com- 
mauude  silence,  it  were  paradventure  good  rather  to 
keep  a  good  silence  thyself,  than  blunt  forth  rudely 
and  yrryte  them  to  anger,  which  shall  happely  there- 
fore not  let  to  talk  on,  but  speake  much  the  mure, 
lest  thei  should  seme  to  lene  at  thy  commandement. 
And  better  were  it  for  yc  while  to  let  one  wanton 
worde  pass  uncontrolled  than  geue  occasyon  of 
twain." 

But  to  join  in  good  conversation  is  far  better  than 
silence,  for  to  sit  in  meditation  till  folk  suddenly 
say,  "  A  penny  for  your  thought,"  is  neither  wisdom 
nor  good  manners. 

So  far  More  has  spoken  by  way  of  introduction. 
He  then  turns  to  the  remembrance  of  death.  He 
begins  by  drawing  the  awful  moment  in  all  its 
terrors.  "Never  were  we  so  greatly  moved,"  he 
says,  "  by  the  beholding  of  the  daunce  of  death 
pictured  in  Poules,"  as  by  imagining  of  the  hour 
itself.  Imagination  can  with  readiness  call  up  the 
pains  of  the  very  easiest  death  in  bed — 

"  Thy  hed  shooting,  thy  backe  akyng,  thy  vaynes 
beating,  thine  heart  panting,  thy  throte  ratelyng, 
thy  fleshe  trembling,  thy  mouthc  gaping,  thy  nose 
sharping,  thy  legges  coling,  thy  fingers  Ambling,  thy 
breath  shorting,  all  thy  strength  fainting,  thy  lyfc 
vanishing,  and  thy  death  drawyng  on." 

There  are  few  more  vividly  realistic  descriptions 
in  the  English  language  than  that  which  follows  on 
this  passage.  As  the  dying  man  lies  helpless  in  bed, 
friends  and  executors  flock  round  him  troubling  him 
with  questions  he  has  no  strength  to  answer ;  children 


i94  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

lament;  and  the  wife  (it  is  a  sudden  touch  of  almost 
coarse  irony),  who  before  spoke  not  one  sweet  word 
in  six  weeks,  now  weeps,  not  without  an  eye  to  the 
future.  And  all  the  while  the  devil  is  never  absent 
from  him  that  draws  towards  the  end ;  for  at  death 
the  final  destiny  is  fixed,  and  afterwards  no  change 
can  touch  the  salvation  or  the  loss  of  the  soul. 
Temptations  throng  around,  be  it  through  a  false 
hope  of  life  or  a  false  security  of  salvation  "  as  a 
thing  well  won  by  our  own  works."  So  instead  of 
sorrow  for  sin  the  enemy  of  the  soul 

"  putteth  us  in  mind  of  provision  for  some  honour- 
able burying,  so  many  torches,  so  many  tapers,  so 
many  black  gownes,  so  many  merry  mourners  laughing 
under  black  hodes,  and  a  gay  hers,  withe  delite  of 
goodly  and  honorable  funeralles,  in  which  the  folish 
sicke  man  is  sometyme  occupied,  as  though  he  thought 
that  he  should  stand  in  a  window  and  see  how  woor- 
shipfullye  he  shall  be  broughte  to  church." 

There  is  a  false  feeling  of  security  which  buoys  up 
both  old  and  young  for  a  while.  There  is  no  man  so 
old,  "as  Tully  saith,"  but  he  expects  to  live  a  year 
longer.  The  young  think  not  upon  those  dead 
younger  than  themselves,  but  measure  their  own 
prospects  of  life  by  the  age  of  the  oldest  man  they 
know.  Sickness  is  a  preparation  for  death,  but  it 
is  not  a  preparation  that  all  obtain.  And  in  a  sense 
all  life  is  a  sickness,  and  so  all  life  should  be  a 
preparation. 

The  thought  of  death  is  then  taken  as  a  medicine 
for  many  diseases  of  the  soul.  Pride,  the  "  mother 
of  all  vice,"  stands  first,  and  next  ambition,  which 


RELIGI01  s   LIFE    \M>   WORKS  L95 

tricks  out  a  man  in  borrowed  robes  like  those  of  the 
actor  who,  after  playing  a  great  lord  on  the  stage, 
goes  out  again  "  a  knave  in  his  red  coat.';  Envy 
and  wrath,  too,  are  vices  for  which  the  contemplation 
of  death  is  a  meet  cure.  At  the  root  of  all  these 
sins  lies  our  self-exaltation — 

"  By  which,  though  we  marke  it  not,  yet  indeedc 
we  recken  our  selfe  worthye  more  reuerencc  than  we 
do  God  Himselfe.  .  .  .  Loke  not  whether  we  be  not 
more  angry  with  our  seruantes  for  the  brcch  of  one 
commaundement  of  our  owne  than  for  the  breche  of 
God's  al  tenne,  and  whether  we  be  not  more  wroth 
with  one  contumelious  worde  spoken  against  ourself 
than  with  many  blasphemous  wordes  unreuerently 
spoken  of  God." 

Behind  the  wrath  which  blazes  out  on  trivial 
occasion  lies  the  cardinal  vice  of  pride — 

"  Now  shal  ye  see  men  fall  at  varyance  for  kissyng 
of  the  pax,  or  goyng  before  in  procession,  or  setting 
of  their  wives'  pewes  in  the  church.  Doubt  ye 
whether  this  wrath  be  pride  ?  I  dout  not  but  wise 
men  will  agree  that  it  is  cither  foolyshc  pride  or 
proud  foly." 

And  so  in  the  same  strain  he  speaks  of  "  covetise  " 
and  "glotony."  Of  the  vice  of  intemperance  he  says 
much  that  is  forcible  and  pointed,  and  there  is  ever 
in  his  keenest  sayings  a  deep  spiritual  earnestness 
and  a  true  sympathy  with  tempted  souls.  Enough 
is  quoted  to  show  the  style  of  his  work,  but  yet  it 
reads  far  better  as  it  was  written  than  in  fragmentary 
extracts.  Standing  alone,  it  might  only  deserve 
notice  for  its  quaintnesses,  but  when  it  is  considered 


196  SIR   THOMAS    MORE 

in  connexion  with  the  other  religious  writings  of 
the  author — such  as  the  Treatise  on  the  Passion,  the 
Booh  of  Comfort  in  Tribulation,  and  the  private 
prayers — it  will  be  seen  to  be  worthy  of  remembrance 
as  a  touching  and  characteristic  work  of  one  of  the 
purest  and  most  single-hearted  of  England's  worthies. 
Unfortunately  More's  theological  studies  could  not 
be  confined  to  such  devotional  exercises ;  he  was  led 
into  religious  controversy,  as  he  was  led  into  politics, 
by  the  King. 

As  early  as  1518,  Henry  VIII.  had  been  preparing 
a  book  against  the  heretics,  which,  if  the  conjecture 
of  Mr.  Brewer  be  correct,1  was  the  original  draft  of 
the  attack  upon  Luther  published  in  1521.  It  was 
natural  that  Pace  and  More  should  be  frequently 
consulted  during  the  progress  of  this  work,  but  it 
does  not  appear  that  they  took  any  actual  part  in 
the  authorship,'-  their  aid  at  most  extending  to  the 
composition  and  the  correction  of  the  Latin  style. 
Of  a  conversation  which  he  had  with  the  King  at 
this  time  More  has  left  a  curious  record.3 

"I  was  myself"  [he  says]  "sometime  not  of  the 
mind  that  the  primacy  of  the  [Roman]  see  should 
be  begun  by  the  institution  of  God,  until  I  read  in 
the  matter  those  things  that  the  king's  highness  had 
written  in  his  most  famous  book  against  the  heresies 
of  Martin  Luther.     At  the  first  reading  whereof  I 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  vol.  ii.  Preface,  p.  202. 

2  More  stated  that  he  was  only  "a  sorter  out  and  placer 
of  the  principal  matters  therein  contained." — Roper,  Life  of 
More  (Pitt  Press  ed.  p.  37). 

3  Letter  to  Cromwell,  English  Works,  the  two  pages  Loth 
numbered  by  mistake  1427.     Cf.  Roper,  pp.  37,  38. 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  AND   WORKS  197 

moved  the  king's  highness  cither  to  leave  out  that 
poiiit  or  else  to  touch  it  more  slenderly,  for  doubt 
of  such  thing  as  after  might  hap  to  fall  in  question 
between  his  highness  and  some  pope,  as  between 
princes  and  popes  divers  times  have  done.  Where- 
unto  his  highness  answered  me  that  he  would  in  no 
wise  anything  minish  of  that  matter,  of  which  thing 
his  highness  showed  me  a  secret  cause,  whereof  I 
never  had  anything  heard  before.  But  surely  after 
I  had  read  his  grace's  book  thereon,  and  so  many 
other  things  as  I  have  seen  in  that  point  of  the 
controversy  of  this  ten x  years  since  and  more,  I 
have  found  a  general  consent  of  fathers  and  councils 
agreeing  in  that  point." 

It  is  evident,  then,  that  the  opinion  for  which 
More  died  was  first  instilled  into  him  by  the  King- 
by  whose  orders  he  was  executed.  A  very  important 
question  arises  from  this  statement  of  his  as  to  what 
may  have  been  the  "  secret  matter  "  which  induced 
Henry  VIII.  in  his  book  against  Luther  so  strongly 
to  support  the  Papal  supremacy,  and  which,  when 
declared  to  More,  who  was  before  incredulous  of  the 
Papal  claim,  convinced  him  of  its  importance  and 
finally  made  a  "  Romanist "  of  him.  Mr.  Seebohm 
has  suggested 2  that  the  secret  was  that  the  marriage 
between  Arthur  and  Katherine  had  been  consum- 
mated. Thus  in  view  of  the  succession  of  the 
Princess  Mary  or  of  any  child  that  the  King  might 
have  by  Katherine,  and  of  the  social  position  of 
others  married  in  the  same  way,  More  would  feel 

1  "Seven"  in  More's  Works,  but  "ten"  in  the  original 
-  Fortnightly  Bevieio,  ix,  508,  599. 


L98  SIB   THOMAS   MOKE 

with  overpowering  force  the  necessity  of  maintaining 
the  Papal  authority  in  granting  dispensations  and 
the  other  powers  of  the  holy  see  which  required  a 
similar  belief  in  the  supremacy  for  their  basis.  The 
conjecture  is  ingenious,  but  is  open  to  obvious  ob- 
jections. As,  however,  it  is  quite  impossible  to 
discover  with  certainty  what  the  "  secret  matter " 
may  have  been,  the  subject  need  be  no  further 
alluded  to  here. 

Henry's  book  won  him  the  title  of  "  defender  of 
the  faith,"  and  exposed  him  to  an  answer  from 
Luther  which  no  one  denies  to  be  violent  and  in- 
decent to  the  last  degree.  Seeing  the  King  thus 
attacked,  More  was  moved  to  take  up  the  cudgels 
in  his  defence,  writing,  says  his  great-grandson,1  in 
accordance  with  the  precept  Ecsf)onde  stulto  secundum 
stultitiam  ejus,  and  with  such  effect  that  his  worthy 
descendant  considers  that  "  to  see  how  he  handleth 
Luther  would  do  any  man  good." 2  His  Vindicatio 
Hcnrici  VIII  a  calumniis  Luthcri,  published  under 
the  name  of  "  Gulielmus  Eosseus,"  appeared  in 
1523."  Though  there  has  been  some  question, 
there  can  be  no  real  doubt,  of  the  authorship.  The 
style  in  all  its  good  points  is  eminently  character- 
istic of  More,  but  it  is  unfortunately  quite  foreign 
in  tone  to  what  we  should  have  expected  from  his 
mild  and  beautiful  nature.  It  is  sad  that  he  should 
have  descended  to  coarse  and  scurrilous  jesting,  and 
have  made  no   attempt  to  raise  the   tone  of  the 

1  Cresacre  More,  Life  of  Sir  Thomas  More,  ed.  1726,  p.  311. 

2  Ibid.  p.  110. 

3  It  is  published  in  the  Latin  Worts,  ed.  1565,  pp.  57—117. 


RELIGIOUS   LIFE   AND   WORKS  199 

controversy  into  which  he  had  Hung  himself.  With 
all  Luther's  honor  of  monastic  degradation  and 
longing  for  reform  he  could  fully  sympathize ;  but 
he  was  aroused  by  the  same  feelings  to  amend 
rather  than  to  destroy.  It  was  the  coarseness  of 
the  attacks  upon  all  which  he  held  dear  that  moved 
him  to  write;  Savonarola  he  could  have  followed, 
but  not  Luther.  The  whole  attitude,  indeed,  of 
More  towards  the  Reformation  may  be  very  largely, 
though  not  entirely,  explained  by  his  mental  con- 
stitution. A  disposition  such  as  his,  in  which  the 
feelings  of  charity  and  veneration  were  so  promi- 
nent, could  not  easily  lend  itself  to  the  iconoclastic 
vehemence  in  which  the  energy  of  Luther  took 
refuge,  and  which  demanded  of  necessity  a  harsh 
rending  of  old  ties  and  a  cruel  treatment  of  even 
honest  opponents.  When  More  answered  the  re- 
formers in  their  own  strain  he  was  simply  using  the 
weapon  which  they  had  proved  to  be  effective,  but 
his  conduct  is  none  the  less  to  be  regretted.  It 
may,  however,  be  said  that  his  controversial  works 
show  that  he  put  some  restraint  upon  himself,  while 
there  is  no  sign  that  Luther  ever  did  so.  Nor 
should  the  spirit  in  which  More  wrote  be  forgotten. 
He  says  with  much  feeling  at  the  end  of  this  work — 
"  Imo  nihil  mihi  magis  in  votis  est  quam  ut  illam 
aliquando  diem  videam,  qua  et  has  nugas  meas  et 
illius  omnes  insanas  haereses  mortales  omnes  abjici- 
ant;  ut  obruto  pessimarum  rerum  studio,  sepultis 
jurgiorum  stimulis  et  contentionum  obliterata  me- 
moria,  illucescat  animis  serenum  fidei  lumen  :  redeat 
syncera  pietas  et  verc  Christiana  concur*  I  ia  :  quam 


200  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

aliquando  procor,  ut  reddat,  ac  restituat  terras,  Qui 
in  terram  venit  pacem  daturas  e  coelo."  x 

It  is  not  surprising  that  More,  like  so  many  other 
opponents  of  the  reformers,  blamed  Luther  and  his 
followers  for  the  excesses  of  the  Bauernlcricg  of 
1525.  In  that  year  Bugenhagen,  then  newly  con- 
verted to  the  Lutheran  opinions,  addressed  his 
letter  "to  the  saints  in  England,"  and  More,  who 
heard  all  the  most  terrible  stories  of  the  peasants' 
excesses  from  Goclenius,  thought  it  necessary  to 
reply  to  it.  Here,  however,  he  had  no  desire  to 
enter  into  public  controversy  ;  his  letter  was  entirely 
private,2  and  was  written  in  a  most  conciliatory  tone. 
He  took  pains  to  refute  the  Antinomian  opinions 
of  the  Anabaptists,  which  he  attributed  to  Luther, 
and  called  attention  to  much  in  the  writings  of  the 
Wittenberg  doctor  which  it  seemed  impossible  to 
reconcile  with  any  reasonable  standard  of  theology. 
From  such  violence  of  opinion  and  expression  he 
thought  that  the  revolts  and  massacres  were  legiti- 
mate deductions.  He  was  at  pains  also  to  point  out 
that  the  true  Catholic  doctrines  were  misrepresented 
by  the  reformers,  and  instanced  the  famous  point  of 
justification  by  faith. 

"  The  Church  both  believes  and  teaches  that 
man's  works  cannot  be  well  done  without  the  grace 
of  God,  or  be  of  any  merit  without  faith  in  Christ. 
Nor  are  they,  even  in  that  case,  in  their  nature  fit 

1  Latin  Worl;s,  p.  118«. 

2  Mori  epistola  in  qua  non  ■minus  faeete  quam  j>i<:  respondet 
litteris  Jdhannis  Pomerani.  Louvain.  It  was  not  published 
till  1568. 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  AND  WORKS  201 

for  heaven.  When  we  have  done  all,  we  are  un- 
profitable servants,  we  have  done  no  more  than  we 
ought  to  have  done.  We  do  not  fight  against  grace 
or  deny  Christ,  or  confide,  like  the  Pharisees,  in 
works;  for  we  know  well  that  they  are  worth 
nothing  without  faith,  that  they  have  no  value 
except  from  the  pure  bounty  of  God.  But  they 
fight  against  faith  and  deny  Christ,  Avho,  while  they 
extol  only  grace  and  faith,  deny  the  value  of  faith 
and  make  men  callous  to  living  well."  l 

Nothing,  surely,  could  be  more  sound  than  this 
statement,  and  a  comparison  with  the  thirteenth 
article  of  the  Church  of  England  is  immediately 
suggested.  From  such  passages  we  are  encouraged 
to  inquire  what  More's  position  would  have  been 
if  he  had  lived  a  little  later.  Mr.  Froude  assures  us 
that  "  his  mind  was  too  clear  and  genuine  to  allow 
him  to  deceive  himself  with  the  delusive  mirage 
of  Anglicanism."  Rather,  in  one  sense  More  was 
Anglican,  while  in  another  sense  '  Anglicanism ' 
was  never  placed  before  him.  And,  in  spite  of  the 
vehemence  with  which  he  defended  some  of  the 
more  especially  medieval  doctrines,  it  is  interesting 
to  notice  several  occasions  on  which  he  clearly  held 
and  expressed  the  views  of  primitive  Christianity 
as  they  have  been  expounded  by  Anglican  theologians 
since  the  Reformation. 

1  I  use  the  translation  of  tins  passage  given  in  an  article  in 
the  North  British  Zfeciew,  vol,  xxx.  pp.  102  sqq.,  to  which  I 
am  much  indebted.  I  believe  that  .Mr.  Seebohm  lias  some- 
where admitted  the  authorship  of  this  article.  If  so,  our  regrel 
must  be  the  greater  that  he  ha  nol  given  at  a  complete  life 
of  M 


202  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

The  progress  of  events  soon  brought  More  forward 
agrain  as  a  controversialist,  and  in  1528  he  assumed 
the  position,  which  he  maintained  almost  until  his 
death,  of  the  most  prominent  defender  of  the  Church 
against  the  attacks  of  the  English  reformers.  The 
writings  of  the  heretics  had  been  largely  dissemin- 
ated in  England,  and  it  was  felt  that  some  stronger 
weapon  than  the  law  afforded  was  necessary  for 
general  use.  More,  as  a  layman  whose  tolerant 
views  were  well  known  and  whose  literary  fame 
was  European,  was  admirably  fitted  to  meet  the 
pamphleteers  on  their  own  ground.  Accordingly, 
in  March  1528,  Tunstal  entreated  him  to  come 
forward  as  the  defender  of  the  Church,  and  sent 
him  a  formal  license  "  to  read  and  keep  certain 
books  of  Luther  and  certain  other  heretical  publi- 
cations," in  order  that  he  might  write  an  answer 
to  them  in  the  vernacular  tongue.1  More  at  once 
applied  himself  to  the  study  of  the  volumes,  and 
was  not  long  in  discovering  that  side  by  side  with 
Luther  as  a  powerful  antagonist  of  the  Church  he 
must  place  William  Tyndale,  the  translator  of  the 
New  Testament  and  author  of  The  Wicked  Mammon, 
and  The  Obedience  of  a  Christian  Man.  The  result 
of  his  reading  was  the  publication  of  '  A  Dialogue 
of  Sir  Thomas  More,  Knighte ;  one  of  the  Counsaill 
of  our  Sovereign  Lorde  the  Kinge,  and  Chancellour 
of  his  duchy  of  Lancaster.  Wherein  be  treated 
divers  maters,  as  of  the  veneracion  and  worship  of 
ymages  and  relyques,  praing  to  Saintes,  and  goying 
on  pylgrimage.  With  many  other  thinges  touchyng 
1  Letters  and  Papers,  ir.  4028. 


RELIGIOUS    LIFE    \N!>    WORKS  203 

the  pestilente  secte  of  Luther  and  Tyadale,  by  the 
tone  bygone  in  Saxony  and  by  the  tother  labored 
to  be  brought  into  England.'  l  This  was  a  work 
of  remarkable  skill,  and  has  always  been  considered 
by  Roman  writers  to  be  More's  greatest  achieve- 
ment. It  must  in  justice  be  admitted  that  the 
questions  discussed  are  treated  with  ability  and 
tact,  and  in  a  much  more  moderate  tone  than  was 
usual  in  the  controversies  of  the  time.  The  method 
of  the  book  was  admirably  chosen.  It  professes  to 
be  a  dialogue  on  the  great  questions  of  the  day 
between  More  and  a  messenger  from  one  of  his 
friends  who  was  imbued  with  many  of  the  opinions 
of  the  reformers.  The  objections  of  the  heretics  are 
brought  forward  with  some  force  and  are  met  with 
every  artifice  of  ridicule  and  illustration  as  well  as 
of  sober  argument.  Thus  the  simplicity  of  the 
reformer  who  considers  "  logic  but  babbling,  music 
to  serve  for  singers,  arithmetic  meet  for  merchants, 
geometry  for  masons,  astronomy  good  for  no  man, 
and  as  for  philosophy,  the  most  vain  of  all,"  2  and 
knows  nothing  but  a  little  Latin  and  the  Bible, 
is  sketched  with  delightful  humour.  Turning  to 
argument,  More  cites  a  number  of  examples  to 
prove  that  images  were  not  forbidden  to  Christians. 
In  attempting  a  dilemma  as  to  the  reverence  to  be 
paid  to  the  name  of  Jesus,  More  seems  as  oblivious 
of  logic  as  his  opponent,  but  with  regard  to  the 
veneration  of  saints  he  is  more  straightforward. 
"  Well  they  [the  heretics]  wot  that  the  Church 

1  First  edition,  1529.    English    Works,  ed.  1557,  pp.  10  I 
228.  -  "Dialogue,"  English  Works,  p.  HI. 


204  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

worshippeth  not  saints  as  God,  but  as  God's  good 
servants,  and  therefore  the  honour  that  is  done  to 
them  redoundeth  principally  to  the  honour  of  their 
Master,  like  as  in  common  custom  of  people  we  do 
reverence  sometimes,  and  make  great  cheer  to  some 
men  for  their  master's  sake  whom  else  would  we 
not  haply  bid  once  good-morrow."  * 

Speaking  of  pilgrimages  he  denies  that  they  are 
maintained  because  they  are  a  source  of  revenue 
to  the  clergy,  and  defends  the  consecration  of  special 
places  for  God's  service. 

"  Where  ye  say  that  in  resorting  to  this  place  and 
that  place,  this  image  and  that  image,  we  seem  to 
reckon  as  though  God  were  not  in  every  place  alike 
mighty  or  not  alike  present,  this  reason  [he  says] 
proceedeth  no  more  against  pilgrimages  than  against 
all  the  churches  in  Christendom;  for  God  is  as 
mighty  in  the  stable  as  in  the  temple."  2 

He  thus  narrows  down  the  question  to  a  point, 
the  decision  of  which  does  not  affect  the  question 
that  he  is  supposed  to  answer.  Because  God  had 
set  apart  certain  places  to  be  hallowed  to  Him,  and 
ordered  men  to  assemble  together  to  worship  Him, 
it  did  not  follow  that  prayers  "  should  be  better 
heard  of  our  Lord  in  Kent  than  at  Cambridge." 

For  the  proof  that  special  localities  are  more 
pleasing  to  God  than  others,  More  relies  on  the 
evidence  of  miracles.  This  introduces  several  very 
interesting  chapters  in  which  he  meets  the  argu- 
ments against  the  possibility  of  miraculous  mani- 
festations. Into  this  subject  he  enters  at  great 
1  English  Works,  p.  118.  2  Ibid.  p.  121. 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  AND   WORKS 

length  and  with  much  skill,  distinguishing  between 
a  belief  in  miracles  in  general  and  the  evidence  for 
particular  cases.  While  admitting  that  the  devil  can 
work  miracles,  he  declares  that  if  the  Church  had 
acknowledged  such  the  Holy  Spirit  would  have 
deserted  her.  The  rest  of  the  first  book  explains 
and  defends  at  great  length  the  doctrine  of  the 
Church  and  of  her  interpretation  of  the  Holy  Scrip- 
ture. On  this  latter  point  More  maintains  that  the 
Church  cannot  err  on  any  necessary  article  of  the 
faith,  and  arrives  at  the  following  conclusion — 

"  Whoso  will  not  unto  the  study  of  Scripture  take 
the  points  of  the  Catholic  faith  as  a  rule  of  inter- 
pretation, but  of  diffidence  and  mistrust  study  to 
seek  in  Scripture  whether  the  faith  of  the  Church 
be  true  or  not,  he  cannot  fail  to  fall  in  worse 
errors  and  far  more  jeopardous  than  any  man  can 
do  by  philosophy,  whereof  the  reasons  and  argu- 
ments in  matters  of  our  faith  have  nothing  in  like 
authority."  x 

In  the  second  book  the  subject  of  the  Church  is 
continued.  What,  asks  the  objector,  is  the  Visible 
Church  ?  More  replies  that  it  must  be  open  and 
obvious,  a  city  set  on  an  hill  that  cannot  be  hid  ; 
no  sect  can  be  the  Church,  for  the  Church  existed 
before  them  all,  the  tree  from  which  they,  as 
withered  branches,  dropped.  The  Church  also  must 
contain  good  and  bad  men  together,  and  is,  in  fact, 
"  the  common  known  multitude  of  Christian  nations 
not  cut  off  nor  fallen  off  by  heresies."  -  The  subject 
of  the  views  of  the  reformers  is  then  again  intro- 
i  English  Works,?.  1G3.  -  Ibid.  p.  L85. 


206  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

duced  ;  for  the  objector  asks  why,  if  the  good  and 
bad  be  together  in  the  Church,  the  good  may  not 
be  those  who  believe  the  worship  of  images  to  be 
idolatry.  More  then  defends  in  turn  the  invocation 
of  saints,  the  reverence  paid  to  relics,  and  pilgrim- 
ages. The  canonized  saints  must  be  saints  indeed, 
or  the  Church  would  have  erred  in  a  matter  nearly 
touching  God's  honour,  which  cannot  be.  To  the 
objector's  complaints  about  relics  it  is  answered  that 
the  Church  could  not  have  received  pig's  bones,  or 
the  bones  of  the  damned,  as  worthy  of  reverence, 
for  she  is  guided  by  the  same  Spirit  through  whom 
the  Canon  of  Scripture  was  chosen.  And,  even  if 
God  permitted  a  mistake  to  be  undiscovered  for  a 
while,  no  harm  would  happen,  for  the  intention  of 
those  that  pay  reverence  is  good,  as  though  there 
could  be  no  harm  in  paying  reverence  to  an  uncon- 
secrated  host.  Nor  do  the  bad  customs  that  dis- 
grace some  shrines  prove  that  the  shrines  themselves 
should  be  destroyed  any  more  than  that  holy  da}?s 
should  be  abolished  because  in  some  places  foolish 
or  wicked  deeds  are  done  on  them.  "In  some 
countries  they  go  a-hunting  on  Good  Friday  in  the 
morning :  will  ye  break  that  evil  custom,  or  cast 
away  Good  Friday  ? " 1 

More  begins  the  third  book  of  his  dialogue  by 
deciding  the  question  whether  belief  is  to  be 
accorded  first  to  the  Scripture  or  to  the  Church. 
He  declares  that  faith  is  before  Scripture,  as  well 
chronologically  as  logically.  The  trial  and  abjur- 
ation of  Bilney  are  then  described,  and  the  burning 
1  English  Works,  p.  198. 


RELIGIOUS   LIFE   AM>   WORKS 

of  Tyndale's  Now  Testament  is  praised.  Move's 
criticism  of  the  reformer's  translation  is  extremely 
bitter.  He  distrusts  the  spirit  in  which  it  was 
undertaken,  and  points  out  many  instances  in  which 
new  renderings  of  words  have  been  adopted  for  the 
purpose  of  concealing  the  meaning  of  the  original. 
His  deepest  anger  is  reserved  for  the  change  by 
which  "priest"  becomes  "senior,"  "the  Church," 
"the  congregation,"  and  "charity,"  "love."  Nor 
was  this  all,  "  for  he  changcth,"  cries  More,  "  grace 
into  this  word  '  favour,'  whereas  every  favour  is  not 
grace  in  English,  for  in  some  favour  there  is  little 
grace.  'Confession'  he  translateth  into  'knowledg- 
ing,'  'penance'  into  'repentance.'  'A  contrite 
heart'  he  changcth  into  'a  troubled  heart,'  and 
many  more  things  like  and  many  texts  untruly 
translated  for  the  maintenance  of  heresy." !  Of 
Tyndale's  other  works  More  also  speaks  in  strong 
condemnation.  "  Tyndale,"  he  says,  "  hath  put  out 
in  his  own  name  another  book  entitled  Mammona, 
which  book  is  very  mammona  iniquilutis,  a  very 
treasury  and  well-spring  of  wickedness.  And  yet 
hath  he  sithence  put  forth  a  worse  also  named  The 
Obedience  of  a  Christian  Man,  a  book  able  to  make 
a  Christian  man  that  would  believe  it  leave  off  all 
good  Christian  virtues,  and  lose  the  merits  of  his 
Christendom."  2  Turning  then  to  the  attacks  made 
upon  the  priesthood,  More  says  much  in  answer  that 
is  fair  and  just.  He  could  not  deny  that  many  of 
the  clergy  lived  scandalous  lives,  but  he  attributed 
that  to  episcopal  neglect  of  the  canon  that  none 
1  English  Works,  p.  222.  tbid,  p  223. 


208  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

should  be  ordained  for  whom  provision  was  not 
made.  He  also  reminded  the  objector  how  eagerly 
every  one  caught  up  tales  against  any  particular 
priest,  and  straightway  condemned  the  order.  If 
priests  were  bad,  how  much  worse  were  laymen  ! 
And  he  quoted  a  sermon  of  Colet  to  the  same 
effect.1 

On  the  marriage  of  the  clergy  he  has  an  important 
chapter,  in  which  his  argument  is  that  the  Church 
binds  no  man  to  chastity  against  his  will,  for  men 
only  take  sacred  orders  by  their  own  desire.  "  And 
as  touching  whether  the  order  of  the  Church  therein 
is  better  than  the  contrary,  good  men  and  wise  men 
both  had  the  proof  of  both  before  the  law  was  made, 
and  it  was  well  allowed  through  Christendom  long 
time  since.  Which  ere  I  would  assent  to  change  I 
would  see  a  better  author  thereof  than  such  an 
heretic  as  Luther  and  Tyndale,  and  a  better  sample 
than  the  seditious  and  schismatic  priests  of 
Saxony.'-  This  position, it  will  be  observed, though 
not  extreme,  is  quite  incompatible  with  a  belief  that 
the  Utopia  was  intended  to  advise  the  marriage  of 
priests. 

More  recognizes  the  wisdom  of  having  the  Bible 
translated,  though  he  says  much  of  the  danger  of 
an  unauthorized  translation.  Yet  howr  narrow  was 
the  liberty  that  he  would  concede  may  be  seen  by 
the  following  passage — 

"  It  might  be  with  diligence  well  and  truly  trans- 
lated by  some  good  Catholic  and  well-learned  man, 
or  by  divers  dividing  the  labour  among  them,  and 
1  English  Work*,  p.  226.  2  Ibid.  p.  233. 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  AND   WORKS  209 

after  conferring  their  several  parts  together,  each 
with  other.  And  after  that  might  the  work  be 
allowed  and  approved  by  the  ordinaries,  and  by 
their  authorities  so  put  into  print  as  all  the  copies 
should  come  whole  into  the  bishop's  hand.  Which 
he  may  after  his  discretion  and  wisdom  deliver  to 
such  as  he  perceiveth  honest,  sad,  and  virtuous,  with 
a  good  monition  and  fatherly  counsel  to  use  it 
reverently  with  humble  heart  and  lowly  mind,  rather 
seeking  therein  occasion  of  devotion  than  of  despi- 
cion.  And  providing  as  much  as  may  be  that  the 
book  be  after  the  decease  of  the  party  brought  again 
and  reverently  restored  under  the  ordinary."  x 

The  fourth  book  contains  a  violent  attack  upon 
Luther  and  his  followers,  a  repetition,  with  all  the 
force  of  More's  ability,  of  the  charges  to  which  they 
had  long  been  exposed.  Speaking  of  the  burning 
of  heretics,  More  lays  great  stress  on  the  fact  that 
it  is  the  work  of  the  secular  power,  and  declares 
that  just  as  princes  are  bound  to  resist  the  Turks, 
so  are  they  bound  to  destroy  heretics  who  reject  all 
the  offers  of  the  long-suffering  Church.  With  this, 
the  conversion  of  the  objector  being  complete,  More 
departs  to  the  Court. 

Such  is  a  most  imperfect  sketch  of  the  contents 
of  the  Dialogue.  From  a  perusal  of  it,  it  becomes 
evident  that  any  attempt  to  represent  the  author  as 
satisfied  with  a  latitudinarian  or  even  a  purely 
spiritual  creed  must  break  down.  There  is  no 
reason  to  assume  that  More's  views  had  changed 
since  he  wrote  the  Utopia,  and  the  distinct  declar- 
EngUtHi  Works,  p.  245. 


210  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

ation  of  them  in  his  controversial  works  seems  to 
prove  that  no  importance  is  to  be  attached  to  the 
ideal  picture  of  religion  in  the  happy  island.  It  is 
equally  plain  that  More  was  well  aware  of  the 
strength  of  the  reformers,  that  he  had  clearly 
grasped  many  of  their  arguments  and  decisively 
rejected  their  whole  teaching.  It  is  at  least  possible 
also  that  he  saw  much  of  the  weakness  of  his  own 
cause ;  the  significant  changes  of  style  and  the 
absence  of  even  casual  allusion  to  points  of  extreme 
importance  seem  to  suggest  this  conclusion.  From 
this  work  also  an  opinion  may  be  formed  as  to 
the  extent  of  More's  theological  knowledge.  The 
Dialogue  is  most  evidently  the  work  of  a  layman, 
who  had  a  taste  for  but  had  made  no  special  study 
of  divinity.  It  owes  all  to  its  skill,  nothing  to  its 
learning.  The  reading  of  its  author  appears  to  be 
confined  to  some  of  the  works  of  S.  Augustine,  to 
Peter  Lombard,  and  to  the  canon  law.  The  strength 
of  More's  books  lay  in  the  popular  ground  which 
they  took  up;  they  were  almost  the  only  works 
which  attempted  to  answer  the  reformers  after  their 
own  fashion.  Fresh,  unforced  humour  is  visible  on 
nearly  every  page.  Surely  it  is  a  special  touch  of 
English  religious  writers  that  they  blend  delightful 
humour  with  their  serious  thought.  What  is  true 
of  Hooker  and  Jeremy  Taylor  and  George  Herbert 
is  doubly  true  of  Sir  Thomas  More.  Some  extracts 
we  cannot  refrain  from  quoting.  The  following 
has  additional  interest  from  its  autobiographical 
reference — 

"If  he  mean  to  read  his  riddle  on  this  fashion, 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  WD   Work's  211 

then  he  soyleth  his  strange  riddle  as  bluntly  aa  an 

old  wife  of  Culnaw  (?  Cumnor)  did  once  among  the 
scholars  of  Oxenford  that  sojourned  with  her  for 
death  [in  the  time  of  the  plague].  Which,  while 
they  were  on  a  time  for  their  sport  purposing  riddles 
among  them,  she  began  to  put  forth  one  of  her'a 
too,  and  said,  '  A  read  my  riddle,  what  is  that  ?  I 
knew  one  that  shot  at  a  hart  and  killed  a  haddock.' 
And  when  we  had  everybody  much  mused  how 
that  might  be  and  then  prayed  her  to  declare  her 
riddle  herself,  after  long  request,  she  said  at  the 
last  that  there  were  once  a  fisher  that  came  a  land 
in  a  place  where  he  saw  a  hart  and  shot  thereat, 
but  he  hit  it  not;  and  afterwards  he  went  asrain  to 
the  sea  and  caught  a  haddock  and  killed  it." 

No  less  quaint  is  the  story  of  Davy  the  Dutchman, 
who  was  about  to  marry  a  second  time,  when  it  was 
discovered  that  his  first  wife  was  still  alive — 

"  '  Marry,  master,'  quoth  he, '  that  letter  saith,  me- 
think,  that  my  wife  is  alive.'  '  Yea,  beast,'  quoth  I, 
'  that  she  is.'  '  Marry,'  quoth  he, '  then  I  am  well  apaid, 
for  she  is  a  good  woman.'  '  Yea/  quoth  I,  '  but  why 
art  thou  such  a  naughty,  wretched  man,  that  thou 
wouldest  here  wed  another  ?  Didst  thou  not  say 
she  was  dead  ? '  '  Yes,  marry,'  quoth  he,  '  men  of 
Worcester  told  me  so.'  '  Why,'  quoth  I,  '  thou  false 
beast,  did'st  thou  not  tell  me  and  all  my  house 
that  thou  wort  at  her  grave  thyself?'  'Yea,  marry, 
master,'  quoth  he,  'so  I  was,  but  I  could  not  look 
in,  ye  wot  well.'  " 

Such  passages  abound  in  his  writings,  as  do  quaint 
saws  and   old  proverbs,  many  of  which  arc  -till   in 


212  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

use.  Nor  are  passages  of  genuine  eloquence  and 
deep  solemnity  wanting.  More's  style  was  indeed 
the  mirror  of  the  man ;  he  wrote  as  he  lived,  abso- 
lutely without  ostentation,  simply,  merrily,  honour- 
ably and  in  the  true  faith  and  fear  of  Christ.  In 
such  a  passage  as  this  he  touches  the  true  note  of 
genuine  devotion — 

"  When  we  feel  us  too  bold,  remember  our  own 
feebleness.  When  we  feel  us  too  faint,  remember 
Christ's  strength.  In  our  fear,  let  us  remember 
Christ's  painful  agony  that  Himself  would  (for  our 
comfort)  suffer  before  His  passion,  to  the  intent  that 
no  fear  should  make  us  despair.  And  ever  call  for 
His  help,  such  as  Himself  list  to  send  us,  and  then 
need  we  never  to  doubt  but  that  either  He  shall 
keep  us  from  the  painful  death,  or  shall  not  fail  so 
to  strength  us  in  it  that  He  shall  joyfully  bring  us 
to  heaven  by  it.  And  then  does  He  much  more  for 
us  than  if  He  kept  us  from  it.  For  as  God  did 
more  for  poor  Lazar  in  helping  him  patiently  to  die 
for  hunger  at  the  rich  man's  door,  than  if  He  had 
brought  him  to  the  door  all  the  rich  glutton's 
dinner ;  so,  though  He  be  gracious  to  a  man  whom 
He  delivereth  out  of  painful  trouble,  yet  doth  He  much 
more  for  a  man  if  through  right  painful  death  He  de- 
liver him  from  this  wretched  world  into  eternal  bliss." 

Passages  such  as  these — and  More's  works  are  full 
of  them — show  how  close  to  him  always  was  the 
divine  beauty  of  the  spiritual  life. 

It  was  evident  that  the  controversy  would  not 
cease  with  the  publication  of  the  Dialogue.  Tyndale, 
then  in  safety  in  the  Netherlands,  was  anxious  to 


RELIGIOUS   LIFE  AND   WORKS  213 

meet  it,  but  while  he  was  preparing  to  do  so  More 
entered  into  a  new  contest.  On  May  24,  1530,  the 
Council,  by  the  King's  command,  issued  a  declaration 
against  Luther's  writings,  and  a  list  of  the  errors 
contained  in  certain  heretical  books,  English  and 
Latin,  among  others  Tyndale's  translation  of  the 
Scriptures,  for  the  benefit  of  preachers,  to  be  published 
by  them  in  their  sermons.  It  had  been  drawn  up 
by  Warham,  Tunstal,  More,  Gardiner,  Hugh  Latimer, 
and  others.  Meanwhile  a  tract  had  been  published, 
probably  at  the  same  time  as  the  Dialogue,  which 
took  up  with  considerable  force  a  peculiar  mode  of 
attack.  The  SuppVkatvm  for  the  Beggars  struck  at 
the  Church  through  the  clergy.  In  language  of 
extreme  violence  "  the  foul,  unhappy  sort  of  lepers 
and  other  sore  people,  needy,  impotent,  blind,  lame, 
and  sick,  that  live  only  on  alms,"  petition  the  King 
to  grant  them  succour.  They  declare  that  they  arc 
dying  of  hunger  because  of  the  multitude  of  stout 
and  strong  beggars,  the  clergy,  who  possess  more 
than  a  third  part  of  the  kingdom,  and  obtain  by 
their  numberless  exactions  more  than  £40,000  a  year 
in  addition  to  the  tithes.  They  demand  that  "  these 
sturdy  lobies"  and  "holy  idle  thieves"  be  driven 
abroad  into  the  world,  "to  get  them  wives  of  their 
own,  to  get  their  living  with  their  labour  in  the 
sweat  of  their  faces,  according  to  the  commandment 
of  God,"  and  that  they  should  be  "  tied  to  the  carts 
to  be  whipped  naked  about  every  market  town  till 
they  will  fall  to  labour."  l 

1  A  Shipptication  f<n  the  Beggars,  by  Simon  l'i-b,  reprinted 
by  Mr.  Arbor,  1878. 


214  SIR    THOMAS   MORE 

Mr.  Dixon  speaks  of  More  as  "  condescending  "  to 
answer  the  "atrocities"  of  Simon  Fish.1     The  ex- 
pression is  scarcely  too  strong ;  the  work  was   indeed 
far  below  the  level  of  those  which  he  had  previously 
attacked,  and  it  was  only  the  knowledge   that   its 
very  vehemence  would  win  it  credit  among  a  certain 
class  that  induced  him  to  notice  it.     His  answer  was 
written  in  a  very  different  tone.     It  took  the  form 
of  a  pathetic  appeal   from  "the  poor   prisoners   of 
God,"  the  souls  in  purgatory,  "  to  all  good  Christian 
people." 2     The  Supplication  of  Souls  is  in  every  way 
more  interesting   than  the  Dialogue.      In  exposing 
the  extravagant   follies  of  such  a  work  as  that  of 
Fish,  More  is  at  his  best,  clear,  trenchant,  and  ex- 
haustive, and  not  only  does  he  completely  defeat  his 
adversary — which  he  can   hardly  be  said   to   have 
done  in  the   Dialogue — but  it  is  possible  to  feel  a 
certain  satisfaction   in   his  victory.      The  exquisite 
humour  of  the  first  part  will  scarce  admit  of  detached 
quotation,  since  it  owes  its  success  to  the  accuracy 
with  which,  while  following  closely  the  steps  of  its 
original,  it  ridicules  and  exposes  its  statements.     The 
elaborate  calculations  of  the  "  beggars "  are  entirely 
upset.     More  points  out  the  inconsistency  of  declar- 
ing in  one  place  that  the  clergy  are  so  many  as  to 
check  the  growth  of  population  and  prevent  a  proper 
supply  of  merchants  and   soldiers,  and  in  another 
that  they  are  not  one  in  every  four  hundred  of  the 
population,  that  they  are  the  cause  of  the  increase 
of  beggary,  and  yet   that   they  should   be   turned 

1  History  of  the  Chwrch  of  England,  i.  142. 

2  «  A  Supplication  of  Souls,"  English  Work*,  pp.  288—339  . 


RELIGIOUS   LIFE   AND   WORKS  215 

adrift  to  diminish  the  number  of  beggars.  There 
are  several  other  features  of  interest  in  the  book, 
such  as  the  remarks  on  Peter's  pence  and  Kin- 
John's  gift  of  the  kingdom  to  the  Pope,  and  the 
prophecy  that  any  robbing  of  the  Church  would  be 
followed  by  a  great  increase  of  pauperism.  The 
doctrine  of  purgatory  is  introduced  by  the  consider- 
ation that  the  majority  of  religious  establishments 
were  endowed  for  the  express  purpose  of  insuring 
supplication  for  the  souls  of  the  founders.  Thus 
More  declares  that  the  confiscation  of  the  endow- 
ments would  be  not  only  an  injury  to  the  living, 
but  a  most  grievous  cruelty  to  the  dead.  Into  his 
arguments  in  defence  of  the  doctrine  it  is  unnecessary 
to  enter.  He  fights,  not  without  effect,  by  confusing 
the  intermediate  state  with  a  state  of  torment,  by 
lavish  reference  to  the  Church's  authority,  and  by 
incorrect  accounts  of  the  belief  of  early  Christianity. 
Yet  there  is  a  pathos  worthy  of  the  writer  in  the 
passage  where  the  suffering  souls  plead  their  member- 
ship in  the  Catholic  Church,  their  claim  on  the 
prayers  of  the  faithful,  and  their  right  to  the  com- 
passion which  by  their  benefactions  they  had  shown 
to  those  on  earth. 

At  this  point  in  More's  life  he  was  brought  into 
active  personal  relation  to  heretics  by  his  duties  as 
Lord  Chancellor. 

That  he  had  frequently  attended  the  examination 
of  heretics  is  proved  by  several  passages  in  the 
Dialogue:  it  was  not,  however,  until  his  appointmenf 
as  Lord  Chancellor  that  his  official  duties  obliged 
him  tu  do  so.     As  Chancellor  he  took  the  oath  "  to 


216  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

use  all  his  power  to  destroy  all  manner  of  heresies." x 
It  was  one  of  his  duties  to  the  discharge  of  which 
he  could  give  himself  with  much  sympathy ;  but  we 
should  be  surprised  to  discover  that  he  used  with 
harshness  or  violence  the  power  committed  to  him. 
His  conduct,  however,  in  all  that  relates  to  heresy 
has  been  the  subject  of  such  vehement  attacks  from 
Protestant  writers,  that  an  impression  has  arisen 
that  he  at  this  period  belied  the  promise  of  his  past 
life  and  became  a  relentless  persecutor.  Wolsey's 
mildness  has  almost  universally  been  contrasted  with 
More's  severity;  and,  while  it  has  been  commonly 
supposed  that  the  latter  exercised  the  duties  of  his 
office  with  stern  rigour,  Mr.  Froude  has  gone  so  far 
as  to  accuse  him  of  distinctly  illegal  acts.  A  closer 
examination,  however,  seems  to  show  that  not  only  did 
he  keep  strictly  within  the  limits  of  his  duty,  and 
do  no  more  than  he  was  legally  bound  to  do,  but 
that  he  took  especial  pains — and  for  some  time 
successfully — to  avoid  the  infliction  of  the  extreme 
penalty.  Mr.  Froude,  after  dwelling  on  the  illegal 
imprisonments  which  followed  Wolsey's  resignation, 
declares  that  "  no  sooner  had  the  seals  changed 
hands  than  the  Smithfield  fires  recommenced."  -  It 
appears,  rather,  that  not  only  were  the  imprisonments 
to  which  the  Protestants  were  subjected  the  strictly 
legal  acts  of  the  bishops  rather  than  of  the  Chan- 
cellor, but  that  for  nearly  two  years  after  More's 
appointment — and  he  did  not  hold  his  office  three 

1  2  Henry  V.  stat.  1  :  see  also  Proclamation  A  1527,  Fuxe, 
ed.  1597,  p.  930. 

2  Hist.  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  83. 


RELIGIOUS   LIFE  AND   WORKS  217 

years — there  was  no  infliction  of  the  extreme 
penalty. 

The  law  provided  that  if  a  heretic,  arrested  and 
examined  by  the  bishops,  refused  to  recant,  he 
should  be  burnt.  The  decision  once  made,  and 
sentence  passed,  the  end  could  not  be  avoided. 
But  by  the  proclamation  of  1529  power  was  given 
to  the  bishops  to  imprison,  at  their  discretion,  both 
before  and  after  conviction.  Thus  to  More  in  the 
execution  of  his  office  the  only  escape  from  his  clear 
legal  obligation  to  destroy  the  heretics  was  by  ad- 
vising the  bishops  to  use  the  power  committed  to 
them.  By  the  exercise  of  this  power  many  were 
saved  who  must  otherwise  have  been  burned;  and 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  those  whose  petitions 
to  the  Crown  after  More's  resignation  have  caused 
much  of  the  blame  that  has  been  attached  to  him, 
would,  but  for  his  intervention,  have  suffered  death. 

It  may  be  well  to  notice  the  cases  of  those  who 
were  burned  during  More's  Chancellorship  and  of 
those  who  were,  according  to  Mr.  Froude,  illegally 
imprisoned,  and  the  accusations  of  personal  cruelty 
alleged  by  Foxe  against  the  Chancellor. 

It  was  not  till  within  the  last  nine  months  of  his 
tenure  of  the  seals  that  any  execution  took  place. 
Bilney,  Bayfield,  Tewkesbury,  and  Bainham,  who 
had  previously  abjured,  relapsed  into  heresy.  In 
such  cases  the  law  was  explicit.  The  Chancellor 
had  no  power  to  save.  He  was  forced  to  issue  the 
writ  ordered  by  the  statute  Dc  Haeretico  Com- 
burendo;  and  he  can  with  no  more  justice  be 
considered  responsible  for  the   law  he  carried  out 


218  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

than  the  many  judges  who  in  this  century  con- 
demned men  to  death  for  forgery  and  theft.  He  is 
thus  without  doubt  legally  absolved.  The  stories  of 
his  cruelty  to  these  prisoners  rest  only  on  the 
unreliable  assertions  of  Foxe ;  and  there  can  be  no 
higher  testimony  to  his  personal  conduct  than  that 
afforded  by  the  martyrs  themselves,  who  died  with 
such  prayers  on  their  lips  as  "  May  the  Lord  open 
the  eyes  of  Sir  Thomas  More  ! " 

The  two  cases  of  the  Chancellor's  illegal  action 
quoted  by  Mr.  Froude  are  those  of  Thomas  Philips 
and  John  Field.1  The  only  evidence  for  the  first  is 
the  petition  of  the  sufferer,  and  even  there  Sir 
Thomas  is  not  mentioned  except  as  issuing  the 
warrant  for  his  arrest,  and  as  examining  him  from 
time  to  time,  in  conjunction  with  the  Bishop  of 
London.  The  whole  responsibility  lies  upon  the 
Bishop;  and  the  proclamation  of  1529  gave  him  his 
authority.  Mr.  Froude  has  not  thought  it  necessary 
to  notice  More's  own  account  of  the  matter,  which 
bears  the  strongest  marks  of  truth.  "  When,"  wrote 
Sir  Thomas,2  "  I  had  spoken  with  Philips  [on  first 
sending  for  him]  and  honestly  entreated  him  one 
day  or  twain  in  mine  house,  and  laboured  about  his 
amendment  in  as  hearty,  loving  wise  as  I  could  : 
when  I  perceived  finally  the  person  such  that  I 
could  find  no  truth,  neither  in  his  word  nor  in  his 
oath,  and  saw  the  likelihood  that  he  was  in  the 
setting  forth  of  such  heresies  a  man  meet  to  do 
many   folk   much   harm,  I   by  indenture  delivered 

1  Hid.  England,  vol.  ii.  pp.  70—83. 
'A  Apology  :  Eng.  Works,  p.  905. 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  AND   WORKS  219 

him  to  his  ordinary."  After  explaining  how  the 
prisoner  was  transferred  to  the  Tower,  he  adds,  "  and 
yet  after  that  he  complained  thereof,  not  against 
me  but  against  the  ordinary." 

"If,  however,"  says  Mr.  Froude,  "it  be  thought 
unjust  to  charge  a  good  man's  memory  with  an 
offence  in  which  his  part  was  only  secondary,  the 
following  iniquity  was  wholly  and  exclusively  his 
own."  He  then  quotes,  "without  comment,"  the 
petition  of  the  sufferer.  In  this  case  it  has  been 
well  argued1  that  the  petition  itself2  proves  that 
the  offence  of  Field  was  not  heresy  at  all.  It  is 
to  be  noticed  that  the  bishops  were  not  concerned 
in  it;  that  after  Field  had  been  set  free  for  a 
time  he  was  re-arrested  by  the  Duke  of  Norfolk 
who  had  no  connexion  whatever  with  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction ;  that  he  was  examined  before  tho  Star 
Chamber,  and  imprisoned  in  the  Fleet;  and  that  the 
books  taken  from  him  were  not  heretical  writings, 
but  "  a  Greek  Vocabulary,  S.  Cyprian's  Worl a,  with  a 
book  of  the  same  Sir.  Thomas  More's  making,  The 
Supplication  of  Souls."  Finally,  not  only  is  there 
no  allusion  in  the  petition' to  heresy  ;  but  Foxe,  who 
would  hardly  have  neglected  so  remarkable  a  case, 
makes  no  mention  of  it  whatever,  and  More,  in  his 
Apology,  where  he  defends  himself  specifically 
concerning  his  treatment  of  heretics,  is  equally 
silent. 

As  to  the  minor  cases  of  cruelty  we  shall   find 
them   most   clearly   stated    in  More's  own    answer. 

1  North  Brit.  R  v.  vol.  xxx.  p.  L62  ei    •</• 

-  Letters  <md  Papers,  Hen.  VlIL,  vol.  v.  1059. 


220  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

"  Divers  of  them  have  said  that  of  such  as  were  in 
my  house  when  I  was  chancellor  I  used  to  examine 
them  with  torments,  causing  them  to  be  bound  to 
a  tree  in  my  garden  and  there  piteously  beaten. 
.  .  .  What  cannot  these  brethren  say  that  can  be 
so  shameless  to  say  thus  ?  .  .  .  I  never  did  cause 
any  such  thing  to  be  done  to  any  at  all  in  all  my 
life,  except  only  twain.  One  was  a  child  and  a 
servant  of  mine  in  mine  own  house,  whom  his 
father,  ere  he  came  to  me,  had  nursed  up  in  such 
matters,  and  set  him  to  attend  upon  George  Joy. 
This  Joy  did  teach  the  child  his  heresy  against  the 
Blessed  Sacrament  of  the  altar :  which  heresy  this 
child  in  my  house  began  to  teach  another  child. 
And  upon  that  point  I  charged  a  servant  of  mine  to 
strip  him  like  a  child  before  mine  household,  for 
amendment  of  himself  and  ensample  of  such  other. 
The  other  was  one  which  after  that  he  had  fallen 
into  these  frantic  heresies  fell  soon  after  into  plain 
open  frenzy."  More  then  declares  that  he  had  the 
man  beaten,  as  the  common  method  of  recovering 
lunatics,  the  result  being  that  the  man  came  to 
himself.  "And  verily,  God  be  thanked,  I  hear  no 
harm  of  him  now.  And  of  all  that  ever  came  into 
my  hand  for  heresy,  else  had  never  any  of  them  any 
stripe  or  stroke  given  them,  so  much  as  a  fillip  on 
the  forehead.  And  some  have  said  that  when 
Constantine  (a  heretic  who  had  been  put  in  the 
stocks  at  Chelsea)  was  gotten  away,  I  was  fallen  for 
anger  into  a  wonderful  rage.  But  surely,  though  I 
would  not  have  suffered  him  to  go  if  it  would  have 
pleased  him  to  have  tarried  still  in  the  stocks  .  .  . 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  AND  WORKS 

never  will  1  be  so  unreasonable  as  to  be  angry  with 
any  man  that  riseth  if  he  can,  when  he  findeth 
himself  that  he  sitteth  not  at  his  ease."  There  can 
be  no  reason  to  doubt  this  statement.  It  was  made  at 
a  time  when  More  was  known  to  have  lost  the  Kino's 

O 

favour  and  to  be  in  imminent  danger,  and  it  was 
never  contradicted,  though  many  must  have  been 
aware  of  its  truth  or  falsehood.  It  may  be  added 
that  a  humorous  instance  of  his  leniency  is  given 
by  Strype — "  Examining  a  Protestant,  whose  name 
wras  Silver,  he  told  him,  after  his  jesting  way, 
that  '  Silver  must  be  tried  in  the  fire.'  '  Ay,'  said 
Silver, '  but  quick-silver  will  not  abide  it ' — with  which 
ready  answer  being  delighted,  he  dismissed  him." 

The  case  of  Bainham  has  been  brought  also  as 
conclusive  evidence  of  More's  cruelty,  but  the 
evidence  of  Foxe  is  certainly  not  conclusive.  It  has 
been  shown  that  the  martyrologist,  after  making  in 
one  edition  the  cases  of  Tewkesbury  and  Bainham 
present  an  extraordinary  parallel,  in  another  trans- 
ferred the  statements  concerning  the  former  entirely 
to  the  latter.  And  Foxe,  it  must  be  remembered, 
was  neither  a  contemporary  writer  nor  a  man  of 
balanced  or  critical  j  ndgment. 

That  he  searched  for  heretical  books — that  he 
chastised  offenders  in  his  own  garden,  that  he 
imprisoned  prisoners  in  his  own  house — an  act  of 
lenity  rather  than  harshness — is  admitted;  but  it 
may  fairly  be  said  that,  although  the  scarcity  of 
record  makes  it  difficult  to  speak  with  certainty,  as 
far  as  has  appeared,  on  evidence  at  present  known, 
the  charges   against    More   made   by   Foxe,   mid    re 


222  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

pcatecl,  among  others,  by  Burnet,  Strype,  and  Mr. 
Froude,  have  not  been  substantiated.  We  are 
therefore  justified  in  forming  a  conclusion  in 
harmony  with  all  that  we  know  of  More's  character. 

It  only  remains  to  notice  More's  religious  writings 
subsequent  to  his  acceptance  of  the  seals.  These 
are  a  confutation  of  Tyndale's  answer  to  his 
Dialogue,  a  letter  impugning  the  erroneous  writing 
of  John  Frith  against  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  the 
Apology,  the  Debellation  of  Salem  and  Bizance,  an 
answer  to  the  book  of  a  "  nameless  heretic " l  on 
the  Lord's  Supper,  and  several  lesser  books  written 
in  prison. 

Tyndale's  answer  to  More's  Dialogue  was  published 
in  the  spring  or  early  summer  of  1531.  In  it 
he  explained  his  view  of  the  Church,  defended  his 
translation  of  the  New  Testament,  and  scornfully 
disposed  of  his  antagonist's  book.  He  did  not  adopt 
the  comparatively  moderate  tone  of  More,  but, 
moved  apparently  by  personal  animosity,  wrote  in  a 
coarse  and  violent  manner.  He  believed  More  to 
have  been  actuated  by  the  basest  motives  in  his 
opposition  to  the  reformers.  Speaking  of  the  Council 
which  had  taken  place  in  London  in  May  1530, 
at  which  his  own  works  had  been  condemned,  he 
declared  that  "  More  was  the  special  orator  of  the 
bishops,  to  feign  lies  for  their  purpose."  2  Not  only 
this,  but  he  specifically  charged  the  Chancellor  with 

1  Tyndale  (Demaus,  Life  of  Tyndale,  p.  281),  or  George  Joy 
(Lumby,  Notes  to  Roper,  Utopia,  Pitt  Press  ed.  p.  180). 

2  Tyndale's  Answer  to  More,  p.  168,  quoted  by  Demaus, 
p.  272. 


RELIGIOUS   LIFE  AND    WORKS  223 

having  accepted  bribes  from  the  bishops,  and  with 
writing  against  his  convictions.  Little  as  More  was 
inclined  to  heed  personal  accusations,  it  was  impos- 
sible for  him,  for  the  sake  of  the  Church  as  well 
as  of  his  own  reputation,  to  leave  this  book  un- 
answered. The  charges  against  himself  he  barely 
referred  to,  but  the  whole  system  of  Tyndale  he 
once  more  denounced  in  the  voluminous  Confutation 
which  he  published  in  1532,  and  revised  and 
continued  up  to  within  a  short  time  of  his  death. 
The  first  three  books  appeared  in  1532,  the  second 
part,  containing  the  next  five,  in  1533,  and  the  ninth 
book  was  first  published  in  the  collected  edition  of 
his  English  works.  The  enormous  length  of  this 
Confutation  prevents  any  reasonable  analysis,  nor 
does  its  interest  demand  one.  It  is  concerned 
chiefly  with  a  recapitulation  of  the  writer's  previous 
arguments,  especially  on  the  character  of  the  visible 
Church,  and  does  not  possess  the  vivacity  and  clear- 
ness of  the  Dialogue.  To  say  that  it  is  a  keen 
and  powerful  work  is  only  to  say  that  it  is  More's ; 
but  it  must  be  admitted  that,  in  spite  of  the  success 
with  which  the  Chancellor  treated  particular  points — 
such  as  the  relation  of  the  early  Church  to  the  gospel 
and  the  degrading  views  of  his  opponents  concerning 
marriage — the  victory  on  the  whole  remained  with 
Tyndale.  One  passage,  however,  for  its  autobio- 
graphical interest,  may  find  a  place  here. 

"  He  asketh  me  why  I  have  not  contended  with 
Erasmus,  whom  he  calleth  my  derling,  of  all  this 
long  while,  for  translating  this  word  ecclesia  into 
this  word   congregatio,     And  then  he  cometh  forth 


224  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

with  his  lit  proper  taunt  that  I  favour  him  of 
likelihood  for  making  of  his  book  Moria  in  my 
house.  There  had  he  hit  me,  save  for  lack  of  a 
little  salt.  I  have  not  contended  with  Erasmus, 
my  derling,  because  I  find  no  such  malicious  intent 
with  Erasmus,  my  derling,  as  I  find  with  Tyndale. 
For  had  I  found  with  Erasmus,  my  derling,  the 
shrewd  intent  and  purpose  that  I  find  with  Tyndale, 
Erasmus,  my  derling,  should  be  no  more  my  derling. 
But  I  find  in  Erasmus,  my  derling,  that  he  detesteth 
and  abhorreth  the  errors  and  heresies  that  Tyndale 
plainly  teacheth  and  abideth  by;  and  therefore 
Erasmus,  my  derling,  shall  be  my  dear  derling  still. 
...  As  touching  Moria  in  which  Erasmus  doth 
merely  touch  and  reprove  such  faults  and  follies  as  he 
found  in  any  kind  of  people,  perusing  every  state 
and  condition,  spiritual  and  temporal,  leaving  almost 
none  untouched,  ...  in  these  days  in  which  men 
by  their  own  default  misconster  and  take  harm  of 
the  very  scripture  of  God,  if  any  man  would  now 
translate  Moria  into  English,  or  some  works  either 
that  I  have  myself  written  ere  this,1  albeit  there 
be  none  harm  therein,  folk  yet  being  (as  they  be) 
given  to  take  harm  of  that  is  good,  I  would  not 
only  my  derling's  books  but  mine  own  also  help 
to  burn  them  both  with  mine  own  hands,  rather 
than  folk  should  (though  through  their  own  fault) 
take  any  harm  of  them,  seeing  that  I  see  them 
likely  in  these  days  so  to  do."  2 

In  the  eighth  book  of  his  Confutation,  which  he 

1  la  this  an  allusion  to  the  Utopia  ? 
8  English  Works,  pp.  421—423. 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  AND  WORKS  225 

styled  a  Confutation  of  Frcre  Barnes  Church,  More 
gained  a  partial  victory.  He  exposed  the  error 
in  defining  the  Church  as  merely  the  invisible 
company  of  the  elect,  but  his  claim  for  it  of  absolute 
freedom  from  all  error  is  not,  perhaps,  equally 
successful.  It  is  interesting  to  notice  that  in  the 
course  of  his  argument  More  enunciates  the  dogma 
of  the  infallibility  of  the  Pope. 

He  had  now  other  antagonists  besides  Tyndale. 
He  wrote  a  letter  on  the  Blessed  Sacrament, 
impugning  the  treatise  which  John  Frith  had 
written  in  prison.1  It  is  pleasant  to  find  him  here 
writing  in  a  tone  of  tender  remonstrance  rather 
than  of  indignant  denunciation.  From  this  short 
letter  and  from  the  larger  work,  "The  Answer  to 
the  Poisoned  Book  which  a  Nameless  Heretic  hath 
named  the  Swpp&r  of  the  Lord,"  2  More's  views  on  the 
doctrine  of  the  Eucharist  may  be  seen  to  have  not 
departed  from  those  of  the  medieval  Church. 

.  After  his  resignation  of  the  Chancellorship  More 
wrote  also  his  Apology  3  and  the  Debellation  of 
Salem  and  Bizance.*  In  addition  to  its  personal 
interest  the  former  of  these  books  is  to  be  noticed 
as  an  answer  to  a  treatise  called  The  Padju  r, 
written  by  a  lawyer  named  Saintgerman.  More's 
main  thesis  was  that  heresy,  being  a  great  crime 
against  God,  deserved  a  severe  punishment  from 
the  secular  power.  The  latter  Avas  an  answer  to 
Saintgerman's    rejoinder,   Salem   and    Bizance.     Its 


i  English  Works,  pp.  833— 844. 

-  Ibid.  pp.  1035—1138. 

I  Ibid.  pp.  845—929.  4 


pp.  845—929.  '   Ibid.  pp.  929—1025. 

Q 


226  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

plan  is  that  which  More  had  adopted  in  all  his 
later  works,  a  minute  quotation  and  answer  of  his 
opponent,  point  by  point,  but  there  is  nothing  in 
the  substance  that  had  not  been  suggested  in  his 
earlier  writings.  The  Answer  on  the  Blessed  Sacra- 
ment was  the  last  of  More's  controversial  works. 
During  his  imprisonment  he  wrote  several  devo- 
tional studies,  but  the  spirit  of  strife  and  contention 
he  laid  for  ever  aside. 

His  services  were  not  unappreciated  by  the  clergy. 
The  bishops  were  so  delighted  by  his  support  of  the 
Church  that  they  offered  him  a  large  sum  of  money, 
to  which  the  clergy  liberally  subscribed.  When 
their  deputation  appeared  to  present  it,  More  told 
them  "  that  like  as  it  were  no  small  comfort  to  him 
that  so  wise  and  learned  men  so  well  accepted  his 
simple  doing,  for  which  he  intended  never  to  receive 
reward  but  at  the  hands  of  God  only,  to  whom  alone 
was  thanks  thereof  chiefly  to  be  ascribed,  so  gave 
he  most  humble  thanks  unto  them  for  all  their 
bountiful  consideration." 

"  When  they  [continues  Koper,  who  tells  the 
story],  for  all  their  importunate  pressing  upon  him, 
could  by  no  means  make  him  take  it,  then  they 
besought  him  to  be  content  yet  that  they  might 
bestow  it  upon  his  wife  and  children.  '  Not  so,  my 
lords,'  quoth  he ;  '  I  had  liever  see  it  all  cast  into 
the  Thames  than  I  or  any  of  mine  should  have 
thereof  the  worth  of  one  penny.  For  though  your 
offer,  my  lords,  be  indeed  very  friendly  and  honour- 
able, yet  set  I  so  much  by  my  pleasure  and  so  little 
by  my  profit  that  I  would  not,  in  good  faith,  for  as 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  AND  WORKS  227 

much  more  have  lost  the  rest  of  so  many  a  night's 
sleep  as  was  spent  upon  the  same.  And  yet  wish 
I  would,  for  all  that,  upon  conditions  that  all  heresies 
were  suppressed,  that  all  my  books  were  burned  and 
my  labour  utterly  suppressed.'  Thus  departing,  they 
were  fain  to  restore  to  every  man  his  own  again."  x 

The  value  of  More's  controversial  works  has, 
indeed,  always  been  recognized  by  the  Roman 
Church,  and,  as  one  of  its  writers  confesses,  they 
"  have  often  been  resorted  to  by  later  divines  as 
arsenals  stored  with  materials  for  the  defence  of  the 
faith."  2 

Vehement  as  had  been  More's  partisanship,  he 
had  not  carried  it  into  his  private  life.  Miles 
Coverdale,  while  working  at  his  translation  of  the 
Bible,  was  a  guest  at  Chelsea.3  Protestant  servants 
were  not  excluded  from  the  Chancellor's  household.4 
Even  Roper  was  at  one  time  "  weary  of  auricular 
confession,  fasting,  and  vigils,  and  vehement  in  the 
new  opinions,"  yet  lost  none  of  his  father-in-law's 
affection.  Sir  Thomas  argued  with  him  in  vain ; 
then  at  length  "in  sober  sadness  said,  'I  see,  son, 
no  disputations  will  do  thee  any  good  :  henceforth 
therefore  I  will  dispute  with  thee  no  more,  only 
will  I  pray  for  thee  that  God  will  be  so  favourable 
as  to  touch  thy  heart.' "  It  was  not  long  before 
this  gentle  silence  succeeded.5  Such  facts  as  these 
must  always  be  remembered  when  the  violence  of 


1  Roper,  pp.  27,  28.    Cf.  More'.  English  Works,  p.  867. 

'  Walter,  Life  of  More,  p.  204. 

•  State  Papers,!.  383.  *  English  Works,  \>.  901. 

5  Cres.  More,  Life  of  More,  pp.  120,  121. 


228  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

More's  controversial  writings  seems  to  invite  a  stern 
condemnation  on  the  man.  It  is  easy  for  one  who 
is  not  moved  to  preserve  a  calm  balance  of  language ; 
but  to  More  the  religious  questions  of  the  day  were 
matters  of  life  and  death,  and  he  could  not  restrain 
his  fears  for  the  result  of  the  struggle. 

"  If  any  of  the  new  learned,"  1  he  wrote — and  the 
passage  contains  the  only  excuse  that  can  be  made 
for  his  language — 

"  If  any  of  the  new  learned  use  their  words  at 
their  own  pleasure,  as  evil  and  villanous  as  they 
list,  against  myself,  I  am  content  to  forbear  the 
requiting  thereof  and  give  them  no  worse  words 
again  than  if  they  had  spoken  me  fair.  .  .  .  But 
railing  as  they  do  against  all  holy  things,  I  purpose 
not  to  bear  that  so  patiently  as  to  forbear  to  let 
them  hear  some  parts  of  their  language,  though  not 
with  the  grace  that  they  use  it.  But  to  match 
them  herein  I  neither  can,  though  I  would  not  if  I 
could  ;  thinking  it  much  worth  rebuke  therein  to 
strive  for  mastery." 

Again — 

"  If  these  gospellers  will  not  cease  to  be  heretics, 
let  them  at  least  be  reasonable  heretics  and  honest 
men :  let  them  write,  if  not  reason,  at  least  after  a 
reasonable  manner,  and  leave  railing.  Then  hardly 
let  these  evangelical  brethren  find  fault  with  me  if 
I  use  them  not  in  words  as  fair  as  the  matter  may 
bear,  but  assure  them,  if  they  write  as  they  do,  I  will 
handle  them  no  otherwise  than  I  have  done." 

1  English  Works,  pp.  865,  866. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

TROUBLES,   IMPRISONMENT,   AND    DEATH. 

"Virtue  is  like  precious  odours,  most  fragrant  when  they  are 
incensed  or  crushed  :  for  prosperity  doth  best  discover 
vice,  but  adversity  doth  best  discover  virtue." — Bacon. 

Whatever  may  be  the  differences  of  opinion  on 
More's  religious  life,  there  can  be  no  feeling  but 
admiration  for  his  conduct  in  adversity.  His  resig- 
nation of  the  Seals  was  made,  as  has  been  said, 
without  apparent  loss  of  the  King's  favour.  For 
some  time  afterwards  Henry  gave  no  sign  of  his 
displeasure.  In  November  1532,  he  pricked  More 
as  Sheriff  for  Somerset  and  Dorset ;  but  he  did  not 
recall  him  to  Court.  He  remained  in  comparative 
seclusion  at  Chelsea,  writing  his  theological  works 
and  avoiding  as  far  as  possible  all  conversation  on 
politics.  But  the  sinister  figure  of  Cromwell  had 
already  risen  into  prominence.  Roper  mentions  that 
when  the  new  minister  came  one  day  to  see  him, 
More  gave  him  some  advice  which  showed  how 
thoroughly  he  understood  his  master.  "Master 
Cromwell,"  quoth  he,  "you  are  now  entered  into  the 
service  of  a  most  noble,  wise,  and  liberal  prince  :  if 
you  will  follow  my  poor  advice,  you  shall   in  counsel 


230  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

giving  unto  his  grace  ever  tell  hirn  what  he  ought 
to  do,  but  never  tell  him  what  he  is  able  to  do,  so 
shall  you  show  yourself  a  true  faithful  servant  and 
a  right  worthy  counsellor.  For  if  the  Lion  knew 
his  own  strength,  hard  were  it  for  any  man  to  rule 
him."  l  More  soon  suffered  from  Cromwell's  neglect 
of  this  advice.  The  Lion  at  last  knew  his  own 
strength,  and  rejoiced  in  the  declaration  of  it.  Sir 
Thomas  foresaw  the  result :  when  the  King's  mar- 
riage to  Anne  Bullen  was  announced,  he  said  to 
Roper,  "  God  give  us  grace,  son,  that  these  matters 
within  a  while  be  not  confirmed  with  oaths." 2 

While  preparations  were  being  made  for  the 
coronation  of  the  new  Queen,  More  received  a  letter 
from  Tunstal  and  the  Bishops  of  Winchester  and 
Bath  asking  him  to  join  in  the  pageant.  The  King 
had  ordered  also  that  they  should  send  him  £20 
to  buy  a  fitting  robe.  But  More,  though  he  saw 
his  danger,  would  not  be  led  into  apparent  consent 
to  Henry's  marriage  or  take  part  in  the  joyful 
celebration  of  what  was  to  him  a  sorrowful  event. 
His  refusal  was  the  signal  for  the  crowd  of  courtiers 
to  fall  upon  him.  As  early  as  July  1533,  he  com- 
plained to  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam  that  a  gentleman 
had  used  him  very  ill,  and  requested  the  intervention 
of  Cromwell.3  He  had  congratulated  himself  that 
not  one  voice  had  been  raised  against  the  justice  of 
his  conduct  as  Chancellor ;  but  no  sooner  was  it 
known  that  he  had  lost  the  King's  favour  than  several 
accusations  of  corruption  were  brought  against  him. 

1  Roper,  p.  32.  2  Ihid.  p.  33. 

3  Ellis,  Letters,  3rd  Series,  ii.  244. 


TROUBLES.   IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    231 

A  man  named  Parnell  charged  him  with  accepting  a 
"  great  gilt  cup  "  as  a  bribe.  More,  when  examined 
before  the  Council,  admitted  having  received  it, 
whereon  Queen  Anne's  father,  now  Earl  of  Wiltshire, 
broke  out  into  unseemly  rejoicing.  More  with  calm 
humour  continued  the  story,  when  it  appeared  that 
he  had  only  accepted  the  cup  to  restore  it  imme- 
diately as  a  new  year's  gift.  Two  other  accusations 
failed  as  signally.1  His  enemies  then  tried  another 
plan.  They  charged  him  with  writing  a  book  pub- 
lished by  his  nephew  William  Rastell  against  the 
Articles  on  the  Marriage  and  Divorce  which  had 
been  officially  issued  at  Christmas  1532.  It  was 
an  accusation  which  he  was  able  easily  to  rebut,  for 
his  last  book,  The  Answer  on  the  Sacrament,  had 
been  printed  before  the  issue  of  the  Articles,  and 
had  no  reference  whatever  to  them.2 

He  was  soon,  however,  in  much  greater  danger. 
The  visions  and  prophecies  of  the  Nun  of  Kent  had 
become  too  evidently  the  instruments  of  others  in 
attacking  the  King's  proceedings  to  be  suffered  by 
the  Government  to  continue.  Cromwell  had  received 
intelligence  of  all  that  she  said,  and  of  the  intrigues 
in  which  her  supporters  were  engaged.  Among  the 
eminent  men  who  had  been  led  by  curiosity  or 
credulity  to  encourage  her,  More  had  taken  some 
slight  part.  All  that  passed  between  them  was  at 
once  made  known  to  Cromwell,3  and  More's  name 

1  Roper,  pp.  34,  38. 

2  English  Works,  p.  1422. 

:;  Sec  the  letter  (Letters  and  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  vol.  vi. 
1  167)  in  which  information  is  given  exactly  corresponding  to 
More'.-i  subsequent  explanation. 


232  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

began  to  occur  ominously  in  the  Minister's  "  remem- 
brances." *  When  the  imposture  was  exposed,  and 
the  offenders  brought  to  trial,  the  utmost  eagerness 
was  shown  to  implicate  the  Bishop  of  Rochester,  and 
More.  In  March  1534,2  More  wrote  a  long  letter  to 
Cromwell  at  his  request  conveyed  through  Roper, 
explaining  his  whole  connexion  with  the  Nun. 

Eight  or  nine  years  before,  he  said,  Warham  had 
given  to  the  King  "  a  roll  with  certain  words  spoken 
in  trances,"  and  Henry  had  asked  More  his  opinion 
of  it.  He  had  replied  that  "  there  was  nothing  in 
it  that  he  could  at  all  regard  or  esteem,  for  except 
that  some  was  in  rhyme,  and  that  full  rude,  there 
was  nothing  that  a  right  simple  woman  might  not 
speak  of  her  own  wit " ;  but  he  added  that  as  men 
talked  of  a  miracle,  he  must  not  be  bold  to  judge. 
Henry  it  seemed  thought  the  matter,  said  More, 
"  as  light  as  it  afterwards  proved  lewd." 

From  that  time  till  Christmas  1532,  More  heard  no 
more  of  the  Nun.  Then  Father  Resbye  spoke  of  her 
one  day  as  one  in  whom  God  wrought  most  wonder- 
ful works,  and  began  to  speak  of  her  political 
revelations.  More  refused  to  speak  of  "  the  king's 
matter  " — and  so  Resbye  left  him  with  a  last  eulogy 
of  the  Nun  as  having  saved  Wolsey's  soul  by  her 
mediation.  A  few  months  later  Father  Rich  ques- 
tioned him,  but  he  still  avoided  all  talk  of  politics, 
for  he  thought  some  of  her  'revelations'  were 
very  strange  and  some  very  childish.  Finally  the 
Fathers  of  Sion  House  told  of  things  they  misliked 

1  See  Letters  and  Papers,  vi.  49,  108,  etc. 

2  Rid.  vol.  vii.  287. 


TROUBLES,   IMPRISONMENT,   AND  DEATH    233 

in  her,  and  thereupon  begged  him  to  see  her.  He 
was  in  danger,  he  may  already  have  felt,  of  being 
mixed  up  in  some  treasonous  plottings,  but  he 
willingly  saw  her  privately  "in  a  little  chapel 
there."  His  own  account  of  his  interview  is  worth 
quotation. 

"  In  the  beginning  thereof  I  showed  that  my  coming 
to  her  was  not  of  any  curious  mind  to  hear  of  such 
things  as  folk  talked  that  it  pleased  God  to  reveal  and 
show  unto  her,  but  for  the  great  virtue  that  I  had 
heard  so  many  years  every  day  more  and  more  spoken 
and  reported  of  her.  I  therefore  had  a  great  mind 
to  see  her  and  be  acquainted  with  her,  that  she 
might  have  somewhat  the  more  occasion  to  remember 
me  to  God  in  her  devotion  and  prayers."  To  this 
she  gave  a  very  good  and  virtuous  answer,  that  as 
God  did  far  better  by  her  than  such  a  poor  wretch 
was  worthy,  she  feared  that  many  people  spoke 
more  favourably  of  her  than  was  the  truth,  and  that 
she  had  already  prayed  for  him.  He  spoke  then  of 
how  she  had  told  a  certain  Ellen  of  Tottenham,  who 
professed  also  to  have  visions,  that  they  were  but 
illusions  of  the  devil,  whereon  the  maid  had  been 
less  visited  by  them.  So  the  Nun  of  Kent  said  to 
him  that  folk  avIio  are  visited  with  such  visions  have 
great  need  to  prove  of  what  spirit  they  come,  and 
that  lately  the  devil  in  the  form  of  a  bird  had  been 
flickering  about  her  chamber,  and  suffered  himself 
to  be  caught  and  then  suddenly  changed  into  such 
a  strange  ugly-fashioned  bird  that  they  were  all 
afraid  and  threw  it  out  of  the  window.  This  was 
very  midsummer  madness  indeed,  but  More  seems 


234  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

to  have  been  so  impressed  with  the  woman's  sincerity 
that  he  was  content  merely  to  ask  her  prayers  and 
warn  her  not  to  speak  of  politics,  and  that  by  a 
special  letter.  The  Fathers  of  the  Charterhouse 
and  of  Sion  still  tried  to  entangle  him  in  talk  about 
her,  but  he  would  not  speak;  and  when  at  length 
she  made  her  open  confession  of  hypocrisy  at  Paul's 
Cross,  he  sent  his  servant  "  to  tell  the  proctor  of 
the  Charterhouse  that  she  was  undoubtedly  proved 
a  false  deceiving  hypocrite."  The  "good  man  had 
so  good  an  opinion  of  her  that  he  could  scarcely 
believe  it." 

The  letter  was  indeed  a  full  vindication ;  and  no 
repudiation  of  any  connexion  with  the  nun  could  be 
more  complete.1  More  told  Cromwell  that  he  had 
done  a  very  meritorious  deed  in  bringing  forth 
to  light  such  detestable  hypocrisy. 

More's  candid  explanation  did  not  satisfy  Cromwell 
or  the  King.  Inquiries  were  made  on  all  sides,  and 
information  of  all  kinds  was  greedily  sought  for, 
even  as  to  More's  "  mumbling  "  in  his  son-in-law's 
parlour  at  Shacklewell  about  the  King's  immoral 
Court.2 

When  the  bill  of  attainder  against  the  Nun  and 
her  adherents   was  introduced   into   the   House  of 

1  Fr.  Bridgett  prints  the  letter  in  extenso  in  his  Life  of  More, 
pp.  323  sqq.  I  have  been  content  to  abridge  it,  with  the 
help  of  Mr.  Gairdner's  abstract  in  the  Letters  and  Papers  of 
Henry  VIII.  Burnet,  History  of  the  Preformation,  v.  431, 
accused  Rastell  of  suppressing  the  letter  in  his  edition  of  1557, 
but  the  charge  was  satisfactorily  disproved  by  Mr.  Bruce 
(Archaeologia,  xxx.  149).  For  further  references  to  the  case  in 
the  State  Papers,  see  vol.  vi.  1468. 

2  Letters  and  Papers,  vi.  290, 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    235 

Lords  it  was  found  that  the  name  of  the  late 
Chancellor  was  inserted, — a  proceeding  so  entirely 
without  even  colour  of  justice  that  Roper  may  be 
supposed  to  be  right  in  ascribing  it  solely  to  the 
King's  anger.1  More  at  once  wrote  to  Cromwell,2 
expressing  his  surprise,  and  asking  for  a  copy  of 
the  bill  that  he  might  point  out  its  errors  in  a 
petition  to  the  King ;  for  he  had,  as  we  have  seen, 
previously  written  a  full  account  of  his  knowledge 
of  the  Nun. 

In  addition  to  this  letter  to  the  minister,  More 
wrote  also  to  the  King,3  reminding  him  of  his 
promise  on  his  resignation  of  the  Chancellorship. 
He  begged  that  he  might  lose  all,  even  life,  if 
Henry  thought  that  he  could  be  so  monstrously 
ungrateful  as  for  a  moment  to  digress  from  his 
allegiance;  but  that  if,  on  the  other  hand,  his 
master  perceived  his  faithfulness,  his  name  might 
be  put  out  of  the  bill.  On  the  same  day,  March  5, 
he  wrote  again  to  Cromwell,4  this  time  a  full 
and  clear  defence  of  his  whole  conduct.  He 
reiterated  his  assertions  of  the  perfect  harmlessness 
of  his  intercourse  with  the  Nun.  He  then  described 
his  behaviour  throughout  the  history  of  the  Divorce 
question.  He  recalled  the  King's  constant  solicita- 
tions, and  his  own  ready  willingness  to  study  that 
he  might  come  to  be  reconciled  to  the  Divorce, 
wherein  he  "would  have  been  more  glad  than  of 
any  worldly  commodities  to  have  served  his  grace." 

»  Roper,  p.  36.  -  English  Works,  p.  Mi':? 

?'  Letters  find  Paper*,  vii.  288. 
1  English  Works,  p.  1424. 


236  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

The  King  had  seemed  to  take  his  conduct  in  good 
part,  and  had  used  only  those  in  the  business  "  whose 
conscience  his  grace  perceived  well  and  truly  per- 
suaded." "  So  I  am  he,"  added  More — and  surely 
no  more  could  have  been  desired — "  that  among 
other  his  grace's  faithful  subjects,  his  highness  being 
in  possession  of  his  marriage  and  this  noble  woman 
really  anointed  queen,  neither  murmur  at  it  nor 
dispute  upon  it,  nor  never  did  nor  will,  but  without 
any  other  manner  meddling  of  the  matter  among  his 
other  faithful  subjects,  faithfully  pray  to  God  for  his 
grace  and  hers  both  long  to  live  and  well,  and  their 
noble  issue  too,  in  such  wise  as  may  be  to  the  pleasure 
of  God,  honour  and  surety  to  themselves,  rest,  peace, 
wealth  and  profit  unto  this  noble  realm."1  Thirdly, 
as  to  the  primacy  of  the  Pope,  he  gave  the  account 
of  the  King's  conversation  with  him  ten  years  before, 
which  has  been  mentioned  above.2  He  declared  his 
own  opinion  now  to  be  that  there  was  a  primacy 
instituted  of  the  "  corps  of  Christendom "  for  a 
thousand  years  past.  "  I  cannot  perceive,"  he  added, 
"  how  any  member  thereof  without  the  common 
assent  of  the  body  depart  from  the  common  head." 
Thus  it  did  not  matter  whether  the  primacy  was 
instituted  directly  by  God  or  by  a  general  council. 
Since  the  King  had  appealed  to  a  general  council, 
he  wished  him  all  success,  for  he  had  never  con- 
sidered, the  Pope  to  be  above  a  general  council.     His 

1  This  passage  is  omitted  by  Rastell — who  dedicated  his 
edition  to  Queen  Mary — though  found  in  the  original  letter, 
but  see  Archaeologia,  xxx.  p.  155,  Rastell  did  not  print  from 
the  originals. 

2  Pao-es  196,  197, 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH     237 

own  writings  that  seemed  to  exalt  the  Papacy  he 
had  utterly  suppressed — a  proof  that  he  never  meant 
to  "  meddle  in  the  matter  against  the  king's  gracious 
pleasure  whatsoever  his  own  opinion  might  be." 
Finally,  he  asked  Cromwell  to  explain  all  this  to  the 
King — "  that  in  the  matter  of  that  wicked  woman1  or 
in  anything  else,  there  was  not  on  his  part  any  other 
will  than  good."  The  last  words  are  most  character- 
istic of  the  tender  yet  conscientious  mind  of  the 
writer.  "  Nor  yet  in  anything  else  never  was  there 
nor  never  shall  there  be  any  further  fault  found 
in  me  than  that  I  cannot  in  everything  think  the 
same  way  that  other  men  of  more  wisdom  and 
deeper  learning  do ;  nor  can  find  in  mine  own  heart 
otherwise  to  say  than  as  mine  own  conscience  giveth 
me  ;  which  condition  hath  never  grown  in  anything 
that  ever  might  touch  his  gracious  pleasure  of  any 
obstinate  mind  or  misaffectionate  appetite,  but  of 
a  timorous  conscience  rising  haply  for  lack  of  better 
perceiving  and  yet  not  without  tender  respect  unto 
my  most  bounden  duty  towards  his  noble  grace, 
whose  only  favour  I  so  much  esteem  that  I  nothing 
have  of  mine  own  in  all  this  world  except  only 
my  soul,  but  that  I  will  with  better  will  forego  than 
abide  of  his  highness  one  heavy  displeasant  look."  2 
The  day  after  these  letters  were  written 3  the 
Lords  addressed  the  King  praying  him  to  declare 
whether  Sir  Thomas  More  and  others  should  not  be 
heard  in  their  defence  "  before  the  Lords  in  the  royal 

1  The  printed  text  simply  reads  "of  the  nounc." 

2  English  Worjca,  p.  1428. 

3  Lords'  Journals,  March  G. 


238  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

senate  called  the  Star  Chamber."  The  King  had 
already  found  out  that  he  would  not  be  able  to 
proceed  severely  against  his  late  Chancellor,  and  had 
contented  himself  with  taking  away  his  salary  or 
pension.  He  was  not  willing  that  More  should  have 
an  opportunity  of  speaking  before  so  large  an 
audience  as  the  Lords,  and  accordingly  ordered  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Lord  Chancellor, 
the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  Cromwell  to  examine 
him  privately.  Roper  entreated  his  father-in-law 
"  earnestly  to  labour  unto  these  lords  for  the  help 
of  his  discharge  out  of  the  parliament  bill,"  and 
More  promised  to  do  so.  The  examination  was 
conducted  at  first  in  a  friendly  manner,  but  the 
questions  were  not  confined  to  his  connexion  with 
the  Nun.  Promises  were  soon  succeeded  by  threats, 
and  he  was  accused  of  inducing  the  King  to  main- 
tain the  Pope's  authority  in  his  book  against  Luther. 
Nothing  could  be  clearer  than  his  denial  of  this, 
or  more  evidently  truthful  than  his  account  of  his 
interview  with  the  King. 

Henry's  relations  with  the  Papacy  ten  years  before 
had  been  on  a  very  different  footing — "  We  are  so 
much  bounden,"  the  King  had  said,  "  to  the  See  of 
Rome  that  we  cannot  do  too  much  honour  unto  it." 
When  More  reminded  him  of  the  Statute  of 
Praemunire,  Henry  had  replied,  "  Whatsoever  im- 
pediment be  to  the  contrary,  we  will  set  forth  that 
authority  to  the  uttermost :  for  we  received  from 
that  see  our  crown  imperial" — to  which  More  with 
some  shrewdness  added,  "  till  his  grace  with  his  own 
mouth  told  me  it,  I  never  heard  of  it  before."     So 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  A^D  DEATH    239 

the  examination  ended.  More  indeed  hoped  always 
that  a  change  of  Pope  might  set  all  things  right  again. 
"  In  the  next  general  council  it  may  well  happen 
that  this  Pope  may  be  deposed  and  another  substi- 
tuted in  his  place,  with  whom  the  king's  highness 
may  be  very  well  content."  He  had  never  thought 
the  Pope  above  the  general  council.  But  this  was 
not  all  Henry  wished. 

"  Then x  took  Sir  Thomas  More  his  boat  towards 
Chelsea,  wherein  the  way  he  was  very  merry,  and 
for  that  I  was  nothing  sorry,  hoping  that  he  had 
gotten  himself  discharged  out  of  the  parliament 
bill.  When  he  was  come  home  then  walked  we 
two  alone  into  his  garden  together,  where  I, 
desirous  to  know  how  he  had  sped,  said,  '  Sir,  I 
trust  all  is  well,  because  you  are  so  merry.'  '  It  is 
so  indeed,  son  Roper,  I  thank  God,'  quoth  he.  '  Are 
you  put  out  of  the  parliament  bill,  then  ? '  said  I. 
'  By  my  troth,  son  Roper,'  quoth  he,  '  I  never  remem- 
bered it.'  '  Never  remembered  it,  sir  ? '  quoth  I ; 
'  a  case  that  touched  yourself  so  near  and  us  all,  for 
your  sake.  I  am  sorry  to  hear  it,  for  I  verily  trusted 
when  I  saw  you  so  merry,  that  all  had  been  well.' 
'  In  good  faith,  I  rejoice,  son,'  quoth  he,  '  that  I  had 
given  the  devil  so  foul  a  fall,  and  that  with  these 
lords  I  had  gone  so  far  as  without  great  shame  I 
could  never  go  back  again.'  At  which  words  waxed 
I  very  sad." 

Thus  More  met  whatever  temptation  to  insincerity 
may  but  too  naturally  have  beset  him.  There  had 
been  a  struggle.  "  As  "2  he  lay  by  his  wife's  side  many 
1  Ituper,  p.  38.  -  Ores.  More,  \>.  204. 


240  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

nights  he  slept  not  forethinking  the  worst  that  could 
happen  unto  him ;  and  by  his  prayers  and  tears  he 
overcame  the  frailties  of  his  flesh,  which,  as  he  con- 
fessed of  himself,  could  not  endure  a  fillip."  The 
victory  was  won.  More  now  tried  to  prepare  his 
family  for  what  he  knew  would  happen  before  long. 
"  He  hired  a  pursuivant  to  come  suddenly  to  his 
house,  when  he  was  one  time  at  dinner,  aud  knock- 
ing hastily  at  his  door,  to  warn  him  to  appear  the 
next  day  before  the  Commissioners." * 

Henry  was  very  reluctant  to  spare  More;  but 
the  urgent  entreaty  of  the  Chancellor,  who  declared 
that  the  Lords  would  never  pass  the  bill  at  all  if 
his  name  were  in  it,  induced  him  at  last  to  yield ; 
and  Cromwell  meeting  Roper  at  Westminster  was 
able  to  tell  him  that  his  father-in-law  was  "  put  out 
of  the  bill."  He  at  once  sent  a  message  to  his  wife, 
who  told  her  father.  "I  faith,  Meg,"  said  More 
when  he  heard  it,  "  quod  differtur  non  aufertur." 
On  March  28,  John  Granfyld,  who  held  office  in 
the  Chancery,  was  able  to  write  to  the  deputy  of 
Calais,  "  My  old  master,  Sir  Thomas  More,  is  clearly 
discharged  of  his  trouble."  2  Yet  More  well  knew 
that  his  fate  could  not  be  long  avoided.  When  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  trying  to  win  him  to  approve  of 
the  King's  acts,  said,  "  Indignatio  principis  mors 
est ":  "  Is  that  all,  my  lord  ?  "  More  answered.  "  Is 
there  no  more  difference  between  your  grace  and 
me  but  that  I  shall  die  to-day  and  you  to-morrow  ? " 

Before   a  month  had   passed  a  new  trouble  had 

1  Cres.  More,  p.  205. 

2  Letters  and  Papers,  Hennj  VIII.,  vol.  vii.  384. 


TROUBLES.  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    241 

arisen,  and  this  the  last.  In  the  spring  the  Act  of 
Succession  had  been  passed.  It  was  to  be  fortified 
by  an  oath  which  all  persons  might  be  called  upon 
to  take,  or  on  refusal  be  considered  guilty  of  mis- 
prision of  treason.  The  oath  itself  was  not  fixed  by 
the  statute,  but  was  submitted  to  the  House  of 
Lords,  just  as  the  prorogation  was  taking  place. 
Its  form,  thus  agreed  upon  without  any  close  exam- 
ination, was  extremely  strict.  Allegiance  was  to  be 
sworn  to  the  King  and  to  the  heirs  of  his  body,  "  of 
his  most  dear  and  entirely  lawful  wife  Queen  Anne 
begotten  and  to  be  begotten."  Oaths  made  to 
another  (that  is  to  the  succession  of  Mary)  were  to 
be  vain  and  annihilate ;  and  all  men  were  to  defend 
to  the  uttermost  "the  said  Act  of  Succession  and 
all  other  acts  and  statutes  made  in  confirmation  or 
for  execution  of  the  same,  or  for  anything  herein 
contained," — and  this  "  against  all  manner  of  persons 
of  what  state,  dignity,  degree,  or  condition  soever 
they  be,"1  and  repudiating  oaths  to  "any  foreign 
authority,  prince  or  potentate."  Cranmer,  the  secre- 
tary, Cromwell,  the  abbat  of  Westminster,  and  the 
Lord  Chancellor  Audley  were  appointed  Commis- 
sioners to  administer  the  oath.  On  April  13,  they 
summoned  More  before  them.  He  rose  early,  then 
confessed  and  received  the  Blessed  Sacrament  in 
Chelsea  Church.  His  children  used  always,  when 
he  went  to  London,  to  come  down  with  him  to  the 
boat,  where  he  would  kiss  and  bid  them  farewell ; 

1  The  actual  oath  is  recited  in  20  Henry  VIII.  c.  2,  the  Act 
passed  to  confirm  it,  but  the  form  in  the  Lords'  Journals, 

vol.  i.  p.  82,  is  incomplete. 

It 


242  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

but  on  that  morning  he  would  not  suffer  them,  but 
parted  ^from  them  at  the  wicket-gate  of  his  garden, 
and  with  a  sad  heart  took  boat  with  Roper.  He  sat 
silent  for  a  while ;  then  said,  "  Son  Roper,  I  thank 
our  Lord  the  field  is  won."  And  his  biographer 
adds x  one  of  those  touches  of  nature  which  are  so 
pathetic  in  their  simple  truth.  "  What  he  meant 
thereby,  then,  I  wist  not.  Yet  loth  to  seem  ignorant 
I  answered,  '  Sir,  I  am  thereof  very  glad.'  But  as  I 
conjectured  afterwards,  it  was  for  that  the  love  he 
had  to  God  wrought  in  him  so  effectually  that  it 
conquered  in  him  all  his  casual  affections  utterly." 
When  he  arrived  at  Lambeth  he  found  many  there 
before  him,  but  he  was  at  once  admitted  to  the  Com- 
missioners. More,  having  read  over  the  oath  and  the 
statute,  at  once  declared  that  it  was  not  in  his  purpose 
to  point  out  any  fault  in  the  Act  or  in  those  that  swore 
to  it,  or  to  condemn  the  conscience  of  any  other 
man ;  but  that  his  conscience  would  not  suffer  him 
to  take  that  oath,  though  he  would  swear  to  the 
succession.  Then  they  all  said  that  the  King  would 
have  great  indignation  against  him,  for  he  was  the 
first  that  had  refused  the  oath  ;  and  they  showed  him 
the  roll  of  those  who  had  sworn.  As  he  still  refused, 
they  bade  him  leave  them  for  a  while.  So  he  went 
into  "  the  old  burned  chamber  that  looketh  into  the 
garden,  and  would  not  go  down  because  of  the  heat." 
As  he  sat  there  patiently  waiting,  and  unmoved  in 
mind,  he  saw  the  London  clergy  joyfully  going  to 
take  the  oath  and  passing  out  again  with  great  mirth  ; 
Latimer,  as  though  he  had  "  waxed  wanton,"  and  the 
1  Roper,  p.  40. 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    243 

Vicar  of  Croydon  calling  loudly  for  wine,  "  either  for 
gladness  or  dryness,  or  else  that  it  might  be  seen 
quod  ilk  notus  crat pontifici."  And  he  saw  Dr.  Wilson, 
one  of  the  King's  chaplains,  who  refused  it,  led  off  to 
the  Tower.  When  the  Commissioners  had  decided 
upon  their  further  course,  they  called  him  back. 
Again  they  reminded  him  of  the  members  who  had 
sworn  :  again  he  replied  that  he  blamed  no  man,  but 
could  not  go  against  his  conscience.  They  asked  him 
to  declare  what  part  of  the  oath  he  objected  to.  He 
answered  that  he  feared  by  doing  so  still  further  to 
exasperate  the  King.  Yet  when  they  reproached  him 
with  stubbornness  he  said  that  he  would  state  his 
objections  in  writing,  as  well  as  promise  to  take  the 
oath  if  any  man  would  satisfy  his  conscience,  if  he 
received  license  to  do  so  freely  from  the  King.  The 
Commissioners  answered  that  a  license  from  the  Kins: 
would  be  no  defence  against  the  laws — thus  declaring 
a  constitutional  doctrine  which  was  not  regarded  as 
fixed  until  a  century  and  a  half  later.  More  said 
that  he  would  trust  to  the  King's  honour :  "  so  if 
he  might  not  declare  his  objections  without  peril, 
to  leave  them  undeclared  was  no  obstinacy."  Then 
Cranmer  tried  to  find  an  escape  for  him,  and  said 
that  if  he  condemned  not  those  who  swore  he  was 
not  certain,  evidently,  that  it  was  wrong  to  take  the 
oath ;  on  the  other  hand,  his  duty  to  the  King  was 
certain.  More  paused,  struck  by  the  subtlety  of  the 
suggestion  ;  but  after  ajnomenthe  answered  that  in 
conscience  the  truth  seemed  not  to  be  on  the  Bong's 
side.  The  abbat  of  Westminster  reminded  him  of 
the  whole  Parliament  that  was  against  him.     More 


244  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

replied  by  a  reference  to  the  general  opinion  of 
Christendom ;  an  incautious  saying  which  would  be 
sure  to  incense  the  King  when  he  heard  it.  On 
hearing  this  last  refusal  Cromwell  swore  that  he  had 
rather  his  only  son  had  lost  his  head  than  that  this 
should  have  happened,  and  declared  that  Henry 
would  now  think  that  the  matter  of  the  Nun  was  all 
More's  contrivance.  Sir  Thomas  answered  that  the 
truth  was  well  known,  and  that  whatever  should  be- 
fall him  it  lay  not  in  his  power  to  help  it  without 
the  peril  of  his  soul.1  And  so,  the  Chancellor  repeat- 
ing what  More  had  said  to  Cromwell,  who  was  to 
convey  it  to  the  King,  the  examination  ended,  and 
Sir  Thomas  was  committed  to  the  custody  of  the 
abbat  of  Westminster. 

During  the  following  days  there  was  great  dis- 
cussion in  the  council  as  to  what  should  be  done 
with  him.  Fisher,  who,  according  to  the  graphic 
phrase  of  the  Bishop  of  Lichfield,  was  so  worn  with 
age  that  his  body  could  not  bear  the  clothes  on  his 
back,  had  given  a  similar  answer.  It  may  be  inferred 
that  it  was  to  the  preamble  of  the  Act  of  Succession 
that  they  especially  objected,  for  it  contained  a 
denunciation  of  the  Pope ;  and  the  oath'  committed 
them  to  all  the  statements  of  the  Act.  Cranmer 
wrote  to  Cromwell  asking  that  they  might  be  sworn 
to  the  Act  alone,  without  the  preamble;  but  the 
King  would  not  suffer  it.2  Nor  was  another  sug- 
gested compromise — that  they  should  swear  not  to 

1  The  account  of  this  examination  is  taken  from  More's 
letter  to  Margaret  Roper,  Eng.  Works,  pp.  1428,  1430. 

2  Letters  and  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  vii.  499,  500. 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    245 

divulge  •whether  they  had  taken  the  oath  or  not — 
accepted.  Having  again  refused  the  oath,  on  Friday, 
April  17,  More  was  committed  to  the  Tower.  He 
had  at  first  his  own  servant,  John  Wood,  to  attend 
on  him,  who  was  sworn  to  reveal  anything  that  he 
might  say  against  the  King,  the  realm,  or  the  council. 

When  he  had  been  in  prison  a  few  days  he  wrote, 
with  a  coal,  one  of  his  most  beautiful  letters  to  his 
dearest  daughter — 

"  My  own  good  daughter,  our  Lord  be  thanked  I 
am  in  good  health  of  body  and  in  good  quiet  of 
mind  :  and  of  worldly  things  I  no  more  despair  than 
I  have.  I  beseech  Him  make  you  all  merry  in  the 
hope  of  Heaven.  And  such  things  as  I  somewhat 
longed  to  talk  with  you  all  our  Lord  put  them  into 
your  minds,  and  better  too,  by  His  Holy  Spirit,  Who 
bless  you  and  preserve  you  all.  Written  with  a  coal 
by  your  tender  loving  father,  who  in  his  prayers 
forgetteth  none  of  you  all,  nor  your  babes,  nor  your 
nurses,  nor  your  good  husbands,  nor  your  good 
husband's  shrewd  wives,  nor  your  father's  shrewd 
wife  neither,  nor  our  other  friends.  And  thus  fare 
ye  heartily  ever,  for  lack  of  paper."  1 

Margaret  Roper  longed  to  see  him,  and  knowing 
that  all  his  letters  were  intercepted,  wrote  to  him 
seeming  to  advise  him  to  take  the  oath,  hoping  that 
Cromwell  might  then  allow  her  to  visit  him.  More 
replied  sadly — "  I  hear  many  terrible  things  towards 
me ;  but  they  all  never  touched  me  never  so  near, 
nor  were  they  so  grievous  unto  me,  as  to  see  you,  my 
well-beloved  child,  in  such  vehement  piteous  manner 
1  English  Works,  i>.  1430. 


246  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

labour  to   persuade  unto  rne  the  thing  wherein  I 
have  of  pure  necessity,  for  respect  unto  mine  own 
soul,  so  often  given  you  so  precise  answer  before." 1 
Her  answer  to  this  showed  that  she  had  never  meant 
to  advise  him  against  his  conscience.     "  Father,"  she 
wrote,  "  what  think  you  hath  been  our  comfort  since 
your  departing  from  us  ?     Surely,  the  experience  we 
have  had  of  your  life  past,  and  godly  conversation, 
and  wholesome  counsel,  and  virtuous  example,  and 
a  surety  not  only  of  the  continuance  of  that  same, 
but  also   a  great  increase  by  the  goodness  of  our 
Lord  to  the  great  rest  and  gladness  of  your  heart/' 2 
Before  long,  however,  she  was  allowed  to  visit  him  : 
a  little  more  than  a  month  after  his  incarceration. 
First,  before  they  talked  of  any  worldly  matter,  they 
said  the  Seven  Penitential  Psalms  and  the  Litany, 
and  then  they  spoke  freely.     More  said,  "  I  believe, 
Meg,  that  they  that  have  put  me  here  ween  they 
have  done  me  a   high   displeasure.     But   I   assure 
you   on   my   faith,  mine   own   dear   daughter,  if  it 
had    not  been   for  my  wife   and  you   that   be   my 
children   whom    I   account    the   chief  part   of  my 
charge,  I  would  not  have  failed  long  ere  this  to  have 
closed  myself  in  as  strait  a  room,  and  straiter  too  " — 
thus   showing    that    his   longing   for   the   monastic 
life  had  never  left  him.3     After  this  his  daughter 
was  allowed  to  visit  him  constantly.      He  wrote  a 
letter  to  be  shown  to  all  his  friends  asking  them  to 
regard  all  her  requests  as  his  own.4     Once  when  she 
was  with  him  he  inquired  how  Queen  Anne  did. 

1  English  Works,  p.  1431.  2  Ibid.  p.  1432. 

3  Roper,  pp.  41,  42.  i  English  Works,  p.  1432. 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    247 

"  In  good  faith,  father,"  said  Margaret,  "  never  bettor. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  court  but  dancing  and  sport- 
ing." "Never  better,"  said  More,  "alas,  it  pitieth 
me  to  remember  unto  what  misery,  poor  soul,  she 
will  shortly  come.  These  dances  of  hers  will  prove 
such  dances  that  she  will  spurn  our  heads  off  like 
footballs.  But  it  will  not  be  long  ere  her  head  will 
dance  the  like  dance."  l  He  had  no  scruple  in  speak- 
ing of  the  illegality  of  his  own  imprisonment.  "  I 
may  tell  thee,  Meg,"  said  he  one  day,  "they  that 
have  committed  me  hither  for  refusing  of  the  oath 
not  agreeable  to  the  statute  are  not  able  by  their 
own  law  to  justify  my  imprisonment.  And  surely  it 
is  a  great  pity  that  a  Christian  prince  should  by  a 
flexible  council  ready  to  follow  his  affections,  and  by 
a  weak  clergy  lacking  grace  constantly  to  stand  by 
their  learning,  with  flattery  so  shameful  be  abused." 2 
Indeed  the  oath  was  not  strictly  legal  until  the 
Second  Act  of  Succession  passed  in  the  autumn 
session  of  1534,  which  declared  that  the  oath  that 
had  before  been  taken  by  so  many  should  be  reputed 
to  be  the  very  oath  intended  by  the  former  Act.3 

During  the  first  few  months  of  his  imprisonment 
More  had  his  own  servant  and  his  books,  and  besides 
his  daughter,  his  wife  was  once  allowed  to  visit  him. 
Of  their  interview  Roper  gives  a  quaint  account,1 
Dame  Alice  reproached  him  for  his  scruples,  and 
asked  how  he  could  prefer  a  prison  to  his  happy 
household  at  Chelsea.  After  he  had  a  while  quietly 
heard  her,  with  a  cheerful  countenance  he  said  unto 

>  Cres.  More,]).  231.  Roper,  p.  13. 

3  25  Henry  VIII.  cap.  xxii.   eel.  9  Eloper,  p.  15. 


248  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

her — " '  I  pray  thee  tell  me  one  thing :  is  not  this 
house  as  nigh  heaven  as  mine  own  ? '  To  whom  she 
after  her  accustomed  fashion,  not  liking  such  talk, 
answered,  '  Tilly vally,  tilly vally.'  '  How  say  you, 
Mistress  Alice,  is  it  not  so  ? '  quoth  he.  '  Bone 
Deus,  Bone  Deus,  man,  will  this  gear  never  be  left  ? ' 
quoth  she.  '  Well,  then,  if  it  be  so,  it  is  very  well,' 
said  More.  '  Why  should  I  joy  in  my  gay  house, 
when,  if  I  should  rise  from  my  grave  seven  years 
hence,  I  should  not  fail  to  find  some  one  there  would 
bid  me  get  out  of  the  doors  ?  What  cause  have  I 
then  to  like  such  an  house  as  would  so  soon  forget 
its  master  ? '  " 

In  August,  More's  step-daughter  Alice  happened 
to  see  the  Lord  Chancellor,  and  wrote  to  tell  Mar- 
garet Boper  of  what  had  passed  between  them.1 
Sir  Thomas  Audley  had  expressed  his  surprise  that 
More  was  so  obstinate,  and  declared  that  he  was  glad 
that  he  himself  had  no  learning  save  in  a  few  of 
iEsop's  fables,  of  which  he  would  tell  her  one.  So 
he  told  a  tale  of  a  country  where  the  rain  that  fell 
made  all  whom  it  wetted  fools.  The  wise  men  kept 
underground  till  it  was  over,  thinking  then  to  come 
forth  and  rule.  But  the  fools  would  have  none  of 
them,  so  the  wise  men  wished  they  had  been  in  the 
rain  too.  And  he  told  her  another  fable  "  of  a  lion, 
an  ass,  and  a  wolf,  and  of  their  confession,"  in  which 
the  ass  appeared  over-scrupulous,  and  thus  got  the 
most  severe   penance.     Thus   the   Chancellor  told 

1  English  Works,  pp.  1434—1443.  The  letter  seems  to  be 
the  composition  of  Margaret,  though  Rastell  says  it  is  not 
known  whether  she  or  More  wrote  it. 


TROUBLES,   IMPRISONMENT,    AND  DEATH    249 

fables  to  Mistress  Alington,  and  she  knew  not  how  to 
answer  him,  but  wrote  to  tell  her  "own  good  sister." 
Then  Margaret  Roper  at  her  next  going  to  the 
Tower,  told  her  father  of  the  letter,  and  wrote  l  of 
the  interview  to  Alice  Alington.  She  found  him  in 
health  not  much  worse.  "  His  diseases,  both  of  his 
breast  of  old,  and  his  reins  now  by  reason  of  gravel 
and  stone,  and  of  the  cramp  also  that  divers  nights 
grippeth  him  in  his  legs,"  she  found  were  not  much 
increased;  and  after  they  had  said  the  psalms  and 
litany,  he  was  ready  to  sit  and  talk  and  be  merry. 
Then  she  told  him  of  the  good  comfort  of  his 
wife  and  children  disposing  themselves  every  day 
more  and  more  to  set  little  by  the  world,  and 
draw  more  and  more  to  God,  and  that  his  house- 
hold and  his  friends  diligently  remembered  him  in 
their  prayers.  Then  she  touched  upon  her  sister's 
letter,  and  told  him  that  "if  he  changed  not  his 
mind,  he  was  like  to  lose  all  his  friends,"  and  so  she 
hoped  that  he  might  find  some  way  to  satisfy  his 
own  conscience  and  please  the  King.  More  smiled 
upon  her  and  said— "What,  Mistress  Eve  (as  I 
called  you  when  you  came  first),  hath  my  daughter 
Alington  played  the  serpent  with  you,  and  with  a 
letter  set  you  awork  to  come  tempt  your  father 
again,  and  for  the  favour  that  you  bear  him,  labour 
to  make  him  swear  against  his  conscience,  and  so 
send  him  to  the  devil  ?  "  After  that  he  looked  sadly, 
and  said,  "Daughter  Margaret,  oftcner  than  twice  or 
thrice  I  have  answered  you  that  in  this  matter  if  it 
were  possible  for  me  to  do  the  thing  that  might 
'  English  Works,  p.  1483. 


250  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

content  the  king's  grace,  and  God  therewith  not 
offended,  there  hath  no  man  taken  this  oath  already 
more  gladly  than  I  would  do.  But  since  I  cannot 
take  it,  I  have  no  remedy.  And  albeit  I  know  mine 
own  frailty  full  well,  yet  if  I  had  not  trusted  that 
God  would  give  me  strength  rather  to  endure  all 
things  than  offend  Him  by  swearing  ungodly  against 
mine  own  conscience,  you  may  be  very  sure  I  would 
not  have  come  here."  Still  Margaret  urged  the 
same  arguments,  and  showed  him  her  sister's  letter. 
When  he  had  read  it  carefully,  he  thanked  God  for 
so  good  a  daughter,  and  declared  how  often  he  prayed 
for  her  and  all  hers.  He  thought  that  both  the 
Chancellor  and  Cromwell  were  his  friends.  "  But  in 
this  matter,  Meg,  to  tell  the  truth  between  thee  and 
me,"  he  said,  "  my  lord's  iEsop's  fables  do  not  greatly 
move  me."  He  had  often  before,  he  continued, 
heard  the  first  fable,  of  the  rain  that  washed  away 
all  their  wits,  that  stood  abroad  :  it  had  been  a  tale 
so  often  told  among  the  King's  Council  by  the  Lord 
Cardinal,  when  his  grace  was  Chancellor,  that  he 
could  not  lightly  forget  it.  .  .  .  That  fable  had  in 
his  days  helped  the  King  and  the  realm  to  spend 
many  a  fair  penny.  He  thought  the  fable  obscure, 
and  he  could  not  well  tell  who  were  the  fools  and 
who  wise.  "  I  cannot  well  read  such  riddles,  for,  as 
Davus  saith  in  Terence,  '  Non  sum  CEdipus,'  I  may 
say,  you  wot  well,  '  Non  sum  CEdipus,  sed  Morus ' : 
which  name  of  mine  what  it  signifieth  in  Greek,  I 
need  not  tell  you."  So  he  was  glad  to  be  counted  a 
fool,  but  his  life  proved  that  he  had  rjever  desired 
power. 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,   AND  DEATH    251 

Of  the  second  fable,  for  which  he  did  not  envy 
iEsop  the  credit,  though  confession  was  not  introduced 
into  Greece  until  after  Christ — it  was  too  subtle  for 
him.  He  supposed  that  the  Chancellor  and  many 
others  accounted  him  the  over-scrupulous  ass ;  yet  he 
did  not  believe  that  all  who  said  so  thought  so. 
However  that  might  be,  even  if  Fisher  took  the 
oath,  with  whom  no  man  in  the  world  could  be  com- 
pared for  learning,  wisdom,  and  virtue,  yet  he  himself 
could  not.  "  Verily,  daughter,"  he  said,  "  I  never 
intend  to  pin  my  soul  to  another  man's  back,  not 
even  the  best  man  I  know  at  this  day  living,  for  I 
know  not  whither  he  may  haply  carry  it."  So  they 
argued  together,  till  at  last  Margaret,  seeing  her 
father  fixed  in  his  determination,  became  very  sad. 
He  perceived  it,  and  said,  "  How  now,  Mother  Eve, 
where  is  your  mind  now  ?  Sit  not  musing  with  some 
serpent  in  your  breast,  upon  some  new  persuasion  to 
offer  father  Adam  the  apple  once  again."  "In  good 
faith,  father,"  said  she,  "  I  can  no  further  go,  but  am, 
as  I  trow  Cresede  saith  in  Chaucer,  come  to  Dul- 
camon,  even  at  my  wit's  end.  For  sith  the  example 
of  so  many  wise  men  cannot  in  this  matter  move 
you,  I  see  not  what  to  say  more,  but  if  I  should  look 
to  persuade  you  in  the  reason  Master  Harry  Pattison 
made.  For  he  met  one  day  one  of  our  men,  and 
when  he  bad  asked  where  you  were,  and  heard  you 
were  in  the  Tower,  he  waxed  even  angry  with  you, 
and  said,  'Why,  what  aileth  him,  that  he  will  not 
swear  ?  Wherefore  should  he  stick  to  swear '.  I 
have  sworn  the  oath  myself.'  And  so  I  can  in  good 
faith   "0  no   further   neither,   but    if   1   should    like 


252  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

Master  Harry  say,  why  should  you  refuse  to  swear, 
father,  for  I  have  sworn  myself  ?  "  *  More  laughed 
and  answered — "That  word  was  like  Eve,  too;  for 
she  offered  Adam  no  worse  fruit  than  she  had  eaten 
herself."  She  could  say  nothing  to  move  him,  and 
so  at  last  desisted.  Then  he  sent  messages  to  all  his 
friends,  and  prayed  his  children  to  "  be  comfortable 
and  serviceable  to  their  good  mother,"  and  at  last 
said — "  If  anything  hap  me  that  you  would  be  loath, 
pray  to  God  for  me,  but  trouble  not  yourself;  as  I 
shall  full  heartily  pray  for  us  all,  that  we  may  meet 
together  in  heaven,  where  we  shall  make  merry  for 
ever,  and  never  have  trouble  after." 

This  was  the  last  attempt  that  any  of  his  family 
made  to  change  his  resolution.  As  his  imprison- 
ment dragged  on,  though  he  remained  firm  in  his 
own  opinion,  he  was  ever  ready  to  excuse  others. 
Two  letters  of  his  to  Dr.  Wilson,  who  had  been  im- 
prisoned on  the  same  day  as  himself,  show  how 
tender  was  his  regard  for  the  welfare  of  others.2 

Meanwhile,  though  his  imprisonment  was  lenient 
and  he  was  attended  by  his  own  servant,  the  Govern- 
ment was  proceeding  against  him  in  Parliament. 
He  was  attainted  of  misprision  of  treason,  and  the 
grants  made  to  him  in  1523  and  1525  were  rescinded ; 
even  the  small  corrody  which  the  Abbey  of  Glaston- 
bury had  bestowed  on  him  was  taken  away,  and 
Abbot  Whiting,  eager   to   flatter  the   powers   that 

1  She  had  taken  the  oath  with  the  addition  "  as  far  as  will 
stand  with  the  law  of  God " — a  relaxation  which  would  not 
be  offered  to  her  father. 

2  English  Works,  pp.  1431—1446. 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    253 

were,  conferred  it  on  Cromwell  with  regret  that 
it  was  of  no  greater  value.1  Save  for  a  pension 
from  the  Order  of  S.  John  of  Jerusalem,'3  he  was 
utterly  penniless — and  the  whole  of  his  lands  and 
goods  and  the  inheritance  of  his  children  was  taken 
away.  Only  the  kind  assistance  of  friends  preserved 
his  family  from  actual  want.3 

In  the  State  Papers  is  a  pathetic  document,  the 
'  Petition  of  the  Avife  and  children  of  Sir  Thomas 
More,'  for  the  pardon  and  release  of  the  said  Sir 
Thomas,  who  has  remained  more  than  eight  months 
in  the  Tower  of  London,  "  in  great  continual  sickness 
of  body  and  heaviness  of  heart." 4 

They  besought  that  his  wife  might  be  allowed  to 
retain  his  goods  and  the  revenue  of  his  lands  so  that 
some  provision  such  as  the  King  might  think  fit  "  in 
the  way  of  mercy  and  pity  to  grant  to  him,"  might 
be  made  for  the  poor  prisoner.  Lady  More  also 
wrote  to  Cromwell  as  to  a  private  friend,  whose 
"  manifold  goodness  "  was  her  husband's  and  her  own 
"  greatest  comfort."  She  had  been  compelled  to  sell 
her  very  clothes  to  provide  the  fifteen  shillings  a 
week  charged  for  her  husband  and  his  servant  in  the 
Tower.  She  begged  to  be  admitted  to  the  King 
himself.5 

1  Father  Gasquet,  from  whom  hetter  things  might  have 
heen  expected,  in  his  very  special  pleading  life  of  The  Lad 
Abbot  of  Qlasboribwry  (pp.  70,  71),  makes  no  reference  to  the 
wretched  time-serving  tone  of  the  letter  Whiting  wrote  to 
Cromwell  on  the  matter.  2  Letters  and  Papers,  vii.  1675. 

3  See  the  very  heautiful  letter  of  More  to  his  "  old  and  dear 
friend,"  Antonio  Bonvisi.     Works,  1455—1457. 

4  Lettersand  Papers,  vii.  1591.       Archaeologia,  xxvii.  301 

0  Letters  and  Papers,  vii  30O. 


254  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

No  notice  was  taken  of  these  requests,  and  More's 
position  was  daily  becoming  more  dangerous.  Par- 
liament had  now  conferred  on  the  King  the  title  of 
'  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church  of  England,'  and 
made  it  high  treason  to  '  imagine  '  anything  against 
his  titles.  '  Malicious '  silence  was  accepted  as 
evidence  of  evil  imaginings.  Thus  More's  life  was 
at  last  brought  by  law  within  the  King's  power. 

The  Government,  however,  had  not  yet  abandoned 
all  hope  of  overcoming  his  scruples.  One  day 
Cromwell  visited  him,  and  with  great  friendliness 
assured  him  that  the  King  would  henceforth  trouble 
his  conscience  no  more.  When  he  was  gone,  the 
prisoner,  "  to  express  what  comfort  he  conceived  of 
his  words,  wrote  with  a  coal  (for  ink  he  had  none) 
these  verses  following — 

Fye,  flattering  fortune,  look  thou  ne'er  so  fair, 

Or  ne'er  so  pleasantly  begin  to  smile  ; 

As  though  thou  would'st  my  ruin  all  repair  : 

During  my  life  thou  shalt  not  me  beguile. 

Trust  shall  I  God,  to  enter  in  a  while 

His  haven  of  Heaven  sure  and  uniform  : 

Ever  after  thy  calm,  look  I  for  a  storm.1 " 

He  was  far  from  idle  in  his  solitude ;  but  turned 
with  more  zeal  than  ever  to  writing  devotional  trea- 
tises :  a  Dialogue  of  comfort  against  Tribulations ; 2 
a  Devotional  preparation  for  the  Holy  Communion ; 3 
a  treatise  on  the  Passion,4  which  he  was  not  able 
to  complete,  for  all  his  books  and  writing  materials 
were  taken  away,  and  several  prayers  and  medita- 

1  EnaVtsh  Works,  p.  1432.    Roper's  version  (p.  44)  is  slightly 

different.  2  Ibid.  pp.  1139-1264. 

3  Ibid.  pp.  1264—1269.  4  Ibid.  pp.  1270—1404. 


TROUBLES,   IMPRISONMENT,   AND  DEATH    255 

tions.1  Of  these  writings  it  may  be  said  that, 
tedious  as  the  style  may  appear  to  modern  readers, 
there  are  no  more  deeply  devotional  works  in  the 
English  language.  He  managed  also  to  correspond 
with  Fisher,  but  this  was  no  sooner  discovered  than 
he  was  subjected  to  much  more  rigorous  treatment. 
After  this  he  was  not  allowed  to  attend  any  religious 
services,  and  his  wife  and  children  were  no  longer 
admitted  to  see  him.  He  gave  himself  to  medita- 
tion, and  kept  his  windows  fast  shut.  Still  he 
kept  his  quaint  humour.  When  the  Lieutenant  of 
the  Tower  asked  his  reason  for  this,  he  answered, 
"  When  all  the  wares  are  gone,  the  shop- windows 
are  put  up." 2 

He  was  now  able  to  write  but  very  rarely,  and 
with  great  caution,3  and  had  begun  to  see  clearly 
that  his  life  would  probably  be  taken.  In  the  only 
two  letters  which  he  was  able  to  write  during  the 
rest  of  the  year,  there  are  signs  that  he  foresaw  the 
end  approaching.  In  this  spirit  he  wrote,4  "  Thus, 
mine  own  good  daughter,  putting  you  finally  in 
remembrance  that  albeit  if  the  necessity  so  should 
require  I  thank  our  Lord  in  this  comfort  in  mine 
heart  at  this  day,  and  I  trust  in  God's  goodness 
so  shall  have  grace  to  continue,  yet  I  verily  trust 
that  God  shall  so  inspire  and  govern  the  king's 
heart  that  he  shall  not  suffer  his  noble  heart  and 

1  Rid.  pp.  1404—1418.  2  Stapleton,  cap.  xiii.  p.  28G. 

-  "  Yet  still  by  stealth  lie  could  yet  a  little  piece  of  paper  in 
which  he  would  write  down  letters  with  a  coal  :  of  which  my 
father  left  me  one,  which  was  to  his  wil'e,  which  1  acCOUHl 
peculiar  jewel/'    Ciee.  More,  p.  240. 

*  EnijUsh    Works,  pp.  1440—1451. 


256  SIR  THOMAS    MORE 

courage  to  requite  my  true  faithful  service  with 
such  extreme  uncharitable  and  unlawful  dealings, 
only  for  the  displeasure  that  I  cannot  think  so  as 
others  do.  But  his  true  subject  will  I  die,  and  truly 
pray  for  him  will  I,  both  here  and  in  the  other 
world.  And  then,  my  good  daughter,  have  me  com- 
mended to  my  good  bedfellow  and  all  my  children, 
men,  women  and  all,  with  all  your  babes  and  your 
nurses,  and  all  the  maids  and  all  the  servants,  and 
all  our  kin  and  all  our  other  friends  abroad.  And  I 
beseech  our  Lord  to  save  them  all,  and  keep  them, 
and  I  pray  you  all  to  pray  for  me,  and  I  will  pray  for 
you  all.  And  take  no  thought  for  me,  whatsoever 
you  shall  hap  to  hear,  but  be  merry  in  God." 

The  new  year  found  More  still  firm  in  his  opinion.1 
After  a  long  silence,  he  found  means  again  to  write  to 
his  daughter,  on  May  the  2nd  or  3rd,  1534,  to  tell  her 
of  his  last  examination.  The  Charterhouse  monks 
had  been  condemned,  and  on  every  side  there  were 
signs  that  the  King's  indignation  was  at  its  height. 
On  April  30,  More  was  called  before  Cromwell  and 
others  of  less  note.  Cromwell  asked  if  he  had 
heard  of  the  statutes  lately  passed  in  Parliament. 
More  replied  that  he  had,  but  had  not  thought 
it  needful  to  peruse  them  carefully.  Cromwell 
then  reminded  him  of  the  Act  giving  the  title 
of  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church,  under  Christ,  to 
the  King,  and  asked  his  opinion  on  it.  "Where- 
unto,"  says  More  in  his  letter  to  his  daughter,  "  I 
answered  '  that  I  had  well  trusted  that  the  king's 

1  See  his  letter  to  a  priest  named  Lever.  English  Works, 
p.  1450. 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH  L'57 

highness  would  never  have  commanded  any  such 
question  to  be  demanded  of  me,  considering  that  I 
ever  from  the  beginning  well  and  truly  from  time  to 
time,  declared  my  mind  unto  his  highness,  and  since 
that  time'  I  said  '  unto  your  mastership,  master  Secre- 
tary, also,  both  by  mouth  and  by  writing.'  And  now  I 
have  in  good  faith  discharged  my  mind  of  all  such 
matters,  and  neither  will  dispute  king's  titles  or 
pope's.  But  the  king's  true  subject  I  am  and  will 
be,  and  daily  I  pray  for  him  and  all  his,  and  for  you 
all  that  are  of  his  honourable  council,  and  for  all  the 
realm.  And  otherwise  than  this  I  never  intend  to 
meddle."  To  this  Cromwell  replied  that  he  feared 
that  would  not  satisfy  the  King.  Several  more 
questions  were  put  him.  More  simply  said,  "  I  am 
the  king's  faithful  subject  and  daily  bedesman.  I 
say  no  harm,  I  think  no  harm,  but  I  wish  everybody 
good.  And  if  this  be  not  enough  to  keep  a  man 
alive,  in  good  faith  I  long  not  to  live."  *  It  seems 
that  now  his  relations  were  less  strictly  excluded  ; 
for  on  May  4,2  when  the  monks  of  the  Charterhouse 
were  led  to  execution,  Margaret  Roper  Avas  with 
her  father  as  ho  looked  out  on  them  from  lii.s 
window.3  "  Look,  dost  thou  see,  Meg  ?  "  said  More 
sadly,  "  that  these  blessed  fathers  be  now  as  cheerful 
going  to  their  deaths  as  bridegrooms  to  their  mar- 
riages. For  God,  considering  their  long-continued 
life  in  most  sore  and  grievous  penance  will  no  long*  r 
suffer  them  to  remain  here  in  this  vale  of  misery 

i    English  Wvrl  i,  pp.  I  151,  I  152.  Ropi  r,  p.  54. 

Che     cond  band  of  I  be  mon  iited  on  J  une  L9. 

Tin    i    referred  to  by  Mr.  S.  L.  Lee,  Diet.  Nati  raphy. 

s 


258  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

and  iniquity,  but  speedily  hence  take  them  to  the 
fruition  of  His  Everlasting  Deity.  Whereas  thy 
silly  father,  Meg,  that  like  a  most  wicked  caitiff  hath 
passed  forth  the  whole  course  of  his  miserable  life 
most  pitifully,  God,  thinking  him  not  worthy  so 
soon  to  come  to  that  eternal  felicity,  leaveth  him 
here  yet,  still  in  the  world  further  to  be  plunged 
and  turmoiled  with  misery."  But  it  was  not  for 
much  longer.  Three  days  afterwards  Cromwell 
came  to  him,  with  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
the  Lord  Chancellor,  the  Duke  of  Suffolk,  and 
the  Earl  of  Wiltshire.  Cromwell  declared  that  the 
King  was  not  satisfied  with  his  previous  answers, 
and  commanded  him  on  his  allegiance  either  to  con- 
fess it  to  be  lawful  that  he  should  be  the  Supreme 
Head  of  the  Church  of  England,  "  or  else  utter 
plainly  his  malignity."  More  answered  that  he  had 
no  malignity  and  therefore  could  utter  none ;  that 
he  could  say  no  more  than  he  had  said  ;  and,  remem- 
bering the  King's  charge  to  him  when  he  entered 
his  service,  he  would  take  comfort  from  knowing 
that  the  time  would  come  when  God  would  declare 
his  truth  before  the  King  and  the  whole  world. 
Then  the  Chancellor  and  Cromwell  said  the  King 
could  force  him  to  answer ;  to  which  he  replied  that 
it  would  be  hard  to  make  him  choose  between  the 
loss  of  his  soul  and  the  destruction  of  his  body — a 
saying  on  which  much  stress  was  laid  at  his  trial. 
Then  Cromwell  reminded  him  of  his  duty  as 
Chancellor  to  examine  heretics,  and  said  that  'men 
were  as  well  beheaded  now  for  denying  the  King's 
supremacy  as  they  were  then  burned  for  denying  the 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    259 

Pope's."  To  this  More  replied  that  there  was  a 
difference  between  a  national  law  and  a  law  of  all 
Christendom.  Then  they  asked  him  to  swear  to 
answer  their  questions  concerning  the  King.  He  re- 
fused, saying  that  he  had  not  so  little  foresight  as  not 
to  conjecture  what  the  questions  might  be.  Then 
they  told  him  that  the  questions  were  whether  he 
had  seen  the  statute  and  whether  he  believed  it  to 
be  lawful.  He  declared  that  he  had  before  admitted 
the  first,  but  would  not  answer  the  second  question. 
The  full  brutality  of  his  persecutors  appeared  in  their 
last  taunt.  They  said, "  Why,  then,  did  he  not  speak 
out  against  the  statute  if  he  cared  not  for  life  ?  it 
appeared  well  that  he  was  not  content  to  die." 
More  answered  with  noble  simplicity :  "  I  have  not 
been  a  man  of  such  holy  living  that  I  might  be  bold 
to  offer  myself  to  death,  lest  God  for  my  presumption 
might  suffer  me  to  fall."  So  the  examination  ended, 
Cromwell  declaring  that  he  thought  worse  of  More 
and  believed  him  not  to  mean  well.1 

He  was  again  examined  more  than  once,2  the 
object  being  to  obtain  sufficient  evidence  from  his 
own  lips,  to  make  a  case  against  him.  He  was 
examined  twice  by  the  Commissioners,  and  after- 
wards the  Solicitor-General,  Rich,  Sir  Richard 
Southwell,  and  Mr.  Palmer  were  sent  to  take  away 
his  books.  While  the  two  last  were  packing  them 
up  Rich  began  to  talk  to  More,  asking,  "If  there 
were  an  Act  of  Parliament  that  all  the  realm  should 

1  English  Works,  pp.  1452— Mr.  I. 

2  E.  a.  June  3.  Letters  and  Papers,  viii.  814,  where  his 
answers  are  given. 


260  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

take  me  for  the  King,  would  not  you,  Master  More, 
take  me  for  the  King  ? "  "  Yes,  sir,"  replied  More, 
"  that  would  I."  "  I  put  the  case  farther,"  said  Rich, 
"  that  there  were  an  Act  of  Parliament  that  all  the 
realm  should  take  me  for  Pope,  would  not  you  take 
me  for  the  Pope  ?  "  "  For  answer,"  said  Sir  Thomas, 
"  to  your  first  case,  the  Parliament  may  well  meddle 
with  the  state  of  temporal  princes  :  but  to  make 
answer  to  your  second  case,  I  will  put  you  this  case. 
Suppose  the  Parliament  should  make  a  law  that  God 
should  not  be  God,  would  you  then,  Master  Rich,  say 
God  were  not  God  ?  "  "  No,  sir,"  said  Rich,  "  I  would 
not,  sith  no  Parliament  may  make  any  such  law." 
When  More  was  brought  to  trial  Rich  swore  that 
he  had  replied  to  this,  "  No  more  could  the  Parlia- 
ment make  the  King  Supreme  Head  of  the 
Church."  i 

On  June  14,  minute  interrogations  were  put  to 
him  as  to  his  correspondence  with  Fisher.2  He 
admitted  writing  "divers  scrolls"  to  the  Bishop. 
In  them,  beside  "  comforting  words,"  he  had  merely 
stated  on  his  first  imprisonment  that  he  had  refused 
the  oath,  and  that  in  his  last  examination  he  had 
declared  that  he  would  meddle  with  nothing  hence- 
forth, but  give  his  mind  to  God.  Fisher  had  ques- 
tioned him  on  the  meaning  of  the  word  "  maliciously  " 
in  the  recent  statute, — whether  a  man  speaking  no- 
thing of  malice  did  offend  against  it ;  to  which  he  had 
answered  that  he  took  that  to  be  its  meaning,  but 

1  Roper,  p.  46  ;  cf.  Lord  Herbert's  Henry  VIII.  pp.  421, 422. 

2  His  servants  were  also  examined  ;  and  interesting  details 
may  be  found  in  Letters  and  Papers,  vol.  viii.  856. 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    261 

that  "  the  interpretation  of  the  statute  would  not 
be  taken  after  their  mind ;  and  therefore  it  was 
not  good  for  any  man  to  trust  to  any  such  thing." 
Further,  he  had  advised  the  Bishop  "  to  make  his 
answer  according  to  his  own  mind  and  to  meddle 
with  no  such  thing  as  he  had  written  unto  him, 
lest  he  should  give  the  Council  occasion  to  ween 
that  there  was  some  confederacy  between  them 
both."  Finally  he  had  warned  him  that  Rich  had 
told  him  that  it  was  all  one  not  to  answer  and 
to  say  against  the  statute  what  a  man  would,  and 
had  begged  his  prayers.  Further  he  had  written  to 
his  daughter  of  his  last  examinations,  fearing  lest 
she  should  suffer  from  hearing  of  them  suddenly. 
Then  for  the  last  time  the  following  questions  were 
put  to  him — "whether  he  would  obey  the  King's 
highness  as  Supreme  Head  on  earth  immediately 
under  Christ,  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  him  so 
repute,  take,  accept,  and  recognize,  according  unto 
the  statute  in  that  behalf  made  ? "  To  this  he  said 
that  he  could  make  no  answer.  Secondly — "  whether 
he  would  consent  and  approve  the  King's  highness' 
marriage  with  the  most  noble  Queen  Anne  that  now 
is  to  be  good  and  lawful;  and  affirm  that  the  mar- 
riage between  the  King's  said  highness  and  the  Lady 
Katherine,  Princess  Dowager,  was  and  is  unjust  and 
unlawful."  He  answered  "  that  he  never  did  speak  or 
meddle  against  the  same;  nor  thereunto  could  make 
answer."  Thirdly,  it  was  declared  that  he  being  one 
of  the  King's  subjects  was  bound  to  answer  both  the 
questions,  and  recognize  the  King  as  Supreme  Head 
of  the  Church  as  all  are  bound  to  do   by  statute. 


262  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

He  replied  that  he  could  make  no  answer.1  His 
answers  were  taken  down  at  length  and  are  pre- 
served in  the  State  Papers.  It  was  found  impossible 
to  extract  from  him  evidence  incriminating  either 
Fisher  or  himself.  He  steadfastly  denied  all  collu- 
sion and  any  discussion  with  others  upon  political 
matters. 

But  it  was  not  evidence  of  Fisher's  guilt  that 
the  Government  desired  to  draw  from  More.  The 
Bishop  was  executed  on  June  22.2  Four  days  later 
a  Special  Commission  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  for 
Middlesex  was  issued  to  the  Lord  Chancellor 
Audley,  the  Dukes  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  other 
lords,  including  Anne  Boleyn's  father  and  brother— 
his  bitter  enemies — Cromwell,  and  nine  judges.  The 
grand  jury  of  Westminster  returned  a  true  bill ;  and 
the  petty  jury  was  summoned  to  meet  on  July  l.3 

On  that  day  More  was  brought  to  the  bar  by  Sir 
Edward  Walsingham,  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower.  He 
was  very  weak  from  his  long  imprisonment,  and  as 
he  leant  upon  his  staff,  his  hair  now  gray  and  his 
beard  long,  his  face  still  cheerful  and  content,  many 
must  have  thought  of  the  strong  man  who  five  years 
before,  as  Lord  High  Chancellor  of  England,  in  that 
same  Court  of  King's  Bench,  had  knelt  down  every 
morning  to  ask  his  father's  blessing. 

1  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII.  vol.  i.  p.  432. 

2  Mr.  S.  L.  Lee,  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  says  he 
was  executed  "sis  days  later"  than  the  Carthusians,  who  died 
on  June  19. 

3  Details  of  the  trial  are  to  he  found  in  letters  and  Papers, 
vol.  viii.  974,  996,  997,  in  Spanish  Papers,  v.  180,  Archaeologia, 
xxvii.  361  sqq.  etc. 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    263 

The  indictment  was  long.  It  charged  him  first 
with  traitorously  attempting  to  deprive  the  King 
of  his  title  of  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church  of 
England,  inasmuch  as  he  had  refused  to  answer  on 
May  7  to  the  questions  of  the  Councillors  whether 
he  would  accept  the  King  as  Supreme  Head 
pursuant  to  the  statute,  saying,  "  I  will  not  meddle 
with  any  such  matters,  for  I  am  fully  determined  to 
serve  God  and  to  think  upon  His  Passion  and  my 
passage  out  of  this  world  " ;  further  that  he  agreed 
with  Fisher  in  his  treason,  and  wrote  to  him  the 
words  which  he  afterwards  used  to  the  Council — 
"  The  Act  of  Parliament  is  like  a  sword  with  two 
edges,  for  if  a  man  answer  one  way  it  will  confound 
his  soul,  and  if  he  answer  the  other  way  it  will 
confound  his  body "  ;  further  that  he,  on  June  3, 
falsely,  maliciously,  and  traitorously  persevered  in 
"refusing  to  give  a  direct  answer,  but  imagining 
to  deprive  the  king  of  the  dignity,  title,  or  name  of 
his  royal  estate  and  to  sow  and  generate  sedition 
and  malignity  in  the  hearts  of  his  true  subjects, 
spoke  openly  "  the  same  words  as  Fisher  had  used  ; 
that  he  and  Fisher  had  burnt  all  the  letters  that 
passed  between  them,  in  order  to  conceal  their  most 
false  and  wicked  treason;  and  lastly,  that  in  con- 
versation with  the  Solicitor-General  Rich  he  had 
denied  the  right  of  Parliament  to  confer  on  the 
King  the  title  of  Supreme  Head — "as  to  the  primacy, 
a  subject  cannot  be  bound  because  he  cannot  give 
his  consent  to  that  in  Parliament ;  and  although  the 
king  is  so  accepted  in  England,  yet  many  foreign 
countries    do    not    affirm    the   same."      When    the 


264  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

indictment  was  read,  the  Lord  Chancellor  And  ley, 
and  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  turned  to  him  and  said, 
"You  see,  Master  More,  that  you  have  grievously 
offended  his  royal  Majesty;  yet  if  you  will  repent 
and  change  that  opinion  in  which  you  have  hitherto 
most  obstinately  persevered,  we  trust  so  much  in 
his  majesty's  clemency  and  kind  heart,  that  pardon 
and  mercy  will,  we  have  no  doubt,  be  obtained  for 
you." 

More  answered — "  My  lords,  I  thank  you  very  much 
for  your  good  will,  but  yet  I  pray  God  Almighty 
to  keep  me  firm  in  this  opinion  of  mine  that  I 
may  continue  in  it  till  the  hour  of  my  death. 
^Respecting  the  charges  brought  against  me,  I  doubt 
whether  my  understanding,  my  memory  or  my 
tongue  will  be  sufficient  to  compass  them  all,  grave 
and  manifest  as  they  are,  especially  considering 
my  present  imprisonment  and  great  infirmity." 

Thereupon  a  chair  was  brought  him :  when  he 
was  seated,  he  resumed.  He  pleaded  "not  guilty," 
declaring  that  if  the  terms  "  maliciously,  traitorously 
and  diabolically "  were  withdrawn,  he  saw  no 
treason  with  which  he  could  be  charged.  Concern- 
ing the  King's  second  marriage,  he  asserted  that 
it  was  his  duty  as  a  good  subject  to  answer  when 
the  King  asked  him  according  to  his  conscience ; 
and  that  when  he  had  done  so  years  before,  it  could 
have  been  no  offence,  or,  if  it  had  been,  an  imprison- 
ment of  fifteen  months  with  forfeiture  was  sufficient 
punishment.  With  regard  to  the  examinations, 
he  saw  no  harm  in  his  answers.  "  I  wish  no  harm 
to  any,"  he  said,   repeating   words  he  had  formerly 


TROUBLES,   IMPRISONMENT,   AND   DEATH    265 

used,  "  and  if  this  will  not  keep  me  alive,  then 
I  desire  not  to  live.  By  all  which  I  know  that 
I  could  not  transgress  any  statute,  or  incur  any 
crime  of  treason.  For  neither  this  statute  nor  any 
law  in  the  world  can  punish  any  man  for  holding 
his  peace.  For  they  only  can  punish  words  or 
deeds,  God  only  being  Judge  of  our  secret  thoughts." 
Fearing  lest  these  words,  if  repeated,  might  influence 
even  the  packed  jury,1  the  Attorney-General  hastily 
interrupted  him,  declaring  that  malicious  silence 
to  such  a  question,  which  all  dutiful  subjects  would 
answer,  was  proof  of  treason.  "Nay,"  said  More, 
"  my  silence  is  no  sign  of  any  malicious  mind,  which 
the  king  himself  may  know  by  many  of  my  dealings  : 
neither  doth  it  convince  any  man  of  breach  of  your 
laws,  for  it  is  a  maxim  among  the  Civilians  and 
Canonists,  'Qui  tacet,  consentire  videtur.'  You 
say  that  all  good  subjects  are  bound  to  reply;  but 
I  say  that  the  faithful  subject  is  more  bound  to  his 
conscience  and  his  soul  than  to  anything  else  in  the 
world,  provided  his  conscience,  like  mine,  does  not 
raise  scandal  or  sedition,  and  I  assure  you  that  I 
have  never  discovered  what  is  in  my  conscience 
to  any  person  living.  As  to  the  second  article, 
that  I  have  conspired  against  the  statute  by  writing 
eight  letters  to  the  Bishop  of  Rochester,  advising 
him  to  disobey  it,  I  could  wish  these  letters  had 
been  read  in  public,  but  as  you  say  the  Bishop  has 
burnt  them,  I  will  tell  you  the  substance  of  them. 
Some  were  about  private  matters  connected  with  our 

1  One  at  least  of  the  jury,  Parnoll,  was  a  personal  enemy  of 
More. 


266  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

old  friendship.  Another  was  a  reply  to  one  of  his 
asking  how  I  had  answered  in  the  Tower  to  the  first 
examination  about  the  statute.  I  said  that  I  had 
informed  my  conscience,  and  so  he  ought  also  to  do 
the  same.  I  swear  that  this  was  the  tenor  of  the 
letters,  for  which  I  cannot  be  condemned  by  your 
statute." 

He  thus  repeated  the  assertion  of  the  innocence  of 

his  correspondence  with  Fisher,  which  he  had  made 

at  his  last  examination.     With  regard  to  the  saying 

that  the  law  was  a  two-edged  sword,  he  urged  that 

his   answer    was    but    conditional.     "If    there    be 

danger  in  both  either  to  allow  or  to  disallow  this 

statute,  and,  therefore,  like  a   two-edged   sword,  it 

seemeth  a  hard  thing  that   it  should  be  offered  to 

me,  that  never  have  hitherto  contradicted  it  either 

in  word  or  deed."     Those  had  been  his  words :  what 

the  Bishop  answered,  he  knew  not ;   "  if  his  answer 

was  like  mine,  he  said,  it  proceeded  not  from  any 

conspiracy  of  ours,  but  from  the  likeness  of  our  wits 

and  learning.     To  conclude :  I  unfeignedly    avouch 

that  I  never  spake  such  against  this   law    to    any 

living  man :    although,  perhaps,  the    king's    majesty 

hath  been  told  the  contrary."    Then  the  j  ury  of  twelve 

men  was  summoned,  and  the  charges  proceeded  with. 

The  Solicitor-General,  Rich,  was  then  called  to  give 

evidence  of  his  interview  with  Sir  Thomas  in  the 

Tower :  which  he  did  in  the  manner  that  has  been 

already  noticed.1     Then  said  More  :     "  If  I  were  a 

man,  my  Lords,  that  did  not  regard  an  oath,  I  need 

not,  as  it  is  well  known,  in  this  place  at  this  time 

»  Above,  pp.  260,  261. 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    267 

or  in  this  case,  stand  as  an  accused  person.  And  if 
this  oath  of  yours,  Mr.  Rich,  be  true,  then  I  pray 
that  I  may  never  see  God  in  the  face :  which  I 
would  not  say  were  it  otherwise,  to  gain  the 
whole  world."  He  then  reluctantly  spoke  of  the 
badness  of  Rich's  character,  and  asked  if  it  were 
likely  that  he  would  trust  to  such  a  man  an  opinion 
on  the  Supremacy,  which  he  had  carefully  con- 
cealed from  the  King  and  all  his  Council.  Again, 
even  if  he  had  thus  spoken,  which  he  denied, 
any  statement  in  '  familiar  secret  talk '  could  not  be 
construed  into  'malicious'  speaking.  Sir  Richard 
Southwell  and  Mr.  Palmer,  who  were  called  in 
support  of  Rich,  admitted  that  they  had  heard 
nothing  of  the  conversation.  In  spite  of  this,  the 
jury,  staying  out  of  Court  "  scarce  one  quarter  of  an 
hour,  for  they  knew,"  says  Cresacre  More,  "what 
the  King  would  have  done  in  that  case,"  returned 
a  verdict  of  guilty.  It  must  be  admitted  in- 
deed that  as  the  law  stood  the  trial  itself  was  not 
unjust.  If  the  evidence  were  to  be  believed  and 
the  law  to  be  obeyed,  the  jury  had  no  choice  but 
to    find    More    guilty. 

The  Chancellor  was  about  to  pass  sentence  imme- 
diately, when  More  demanded  the  usual  license  to 
show  cause  why  judgment  should  not  be  passed  upon 
him.  He  spoke  simply  and  directly  in  solemn  pro- 
test against  the  injustice  of  the  law  by  which  he  was 
condemned.  He  declared  that  Parliament  could  not 
give  the  King  a  spiritual  pre-eminence,  or  supreme 
government  of  the  Church  ;  or  make  a  law  for  the 
Church  against  the  consent  of  Christendom,  and  con- 


268  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

trary  to  Magna  Charta.  The  Chancellor  demanded 
how  he  could  stand  against  the  bishops,  and  the 
Universities  of  the  land.  More  replied — "  If  the 
number  of  bishops  and  universities  be  so  material 
as  your  lordship  seemeth  to  take  it,  I  see  little  cause 
why  that  thing  in  my  conscience  should  make  any 
change.  For  I  doubt  not,  but  of  the  learned  and 
virtuous  men  that  be  yet  alive,  not  only  of  this 
realm,  but  of  all  Christendom,  there  are  ten  to 
one  that  are  of  my  mind  in  this  matter :  but 
if  I  should  speak  of  those  learned  and  virtuous 
doctors  that  be  already  dead,  of  whom  many  are 
now  saints  in  heaven,  I  am  very  sure  that  they  are 
far  more  who,  while  they  lived,  thought  in  this  case 
as  I  think  now.  And  therefore  am  I  not  bound,  my 
Lords,  to  conform  my  conscience  to  the  counsel  of  one 
realm,  against  the  general  counsel  of  Christendom  : 
for  one  bishop  of  your  opinion  I  have  a  hundred 
saints  of  mine  ;  and  for  one  parliament  of  yours,  and 
God  knows  of  what  kind,  I  have  all  the  General 
Councils  for  one  thousand  years  ;  and  for  one  kingdom 
I  have  France  and  all  the  kingdoms  of  Christendom." 
Norfolk  told  him  that  now  his  malice  was  clear.  He 
forgot  how  readily  such  weapons  as  Henry  now  used 
might  be  turned  against  himself.  More  replied — 
"  What  I  say  is  necessary  for  the  discharge  of  my 
conscience  and  satisfaction  of  my  soul,  and  to  do  this 
I  call  God  to  witness,  the  sole  Searcher  of  human 
hearts.  I  say  further,  that  your  statute  is  ill  made, 
because  you  have  sworn  never  to  do  anything  against 
the  Church,  which  through  all  Christendom  is  one 
and  undivided,  and  you  have  no  authority,  without  the 


TROUBLES,   IMPRISONMENT,   AND   DEATH     269 

common  consent  of  all  Christians,  to  make  a  law  or 
Act  of  Parliament  or  Council  against  the  union  of 
Christendom."  The  Chancellor  then  asked  the  opinion 
of  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  on  the  sufficiency  of  the 
indictment.  The  reply  was  cautious :  "  My  Lords 
all,  by  S.  Julian,  I  must  needs  confess  that,  if  the 
Act  of  Parliament  be  not  unlawful,  then  is  not  the 
indictment  in  my  conscience  insufficient."  The  Chan- 
cellor then  passed  sentence  "  according  to  the  form 
of  the  new  law."  More,  now  throwing  away  all 
disguise,  declared  that  he  had  studied  the  matter 
for  seven  years,  and  "  could  find  no  colour  for  holding 
that  a  layman  could  be  head  of  the  Church."  Once 
more  the  judges  asked  if  he  had  anything  to  say. 
He  replied — "  More  have  I  not  to  say,  my  Lords ;  but 
like  as  the  blessed  Apostle  S.  Paul,  as  we  read  in 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  was  present  and  consenting 
to  the  death  of  S.  Stephen,  and  held  their  clothes,  that 
stoned  him  to  death ;  and  yet  be  they  now  both  holy 
saints  in  heaven,  and  shall  continue  there  friends  for 
ever,  so  I  verily  trust  and  therefore  right  heartily 
pray,  that,  though  your  Lordships  have  now  in  earth 
been  judges  to  my  condemnation,  we  may  yet,  here- 
after in  heaven,  merrily  all  meet  togother  to  our 
everlasting  salvation." 

The  trial  ended,  More  was  led  back  by  his  old 
friend,  Sir  William  Kingston,  the  Constable  of  the 
Tower,  who  could  not  restrain  his  tears.  On  the 
way,  his  son  threw  himself  at  his  feet,  and  implored 
his  blessing;  yet  even  at  this  parting  More  remained 
calm.  When  the  sad  procession  reached  the  Old 
Swan  by  London  Bridge,  there  was  a  short  pause. 


270  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

There  More  was  in  a  familiar  place,  very  near  to 
S.  Anthony's  School.  The  scene  must  have  recalled 
strange  thoughts  and  memories  at  such  a  moment. 

"  Life  all  past 
Is  like  the  sky,  when  the  sun  sets  in  it, 
Clearest  when  farthest  off." 

There  he  parted  with  Sir  William  Kingston,  whom 
he  comforted  with  the  thought  of  a  happy  meeting 
in  heaven.  "  In  faith,"  said  Kingston,  when  he  spoke 
of  it  afterwards  to  Roper,  "  I  was  ashamed  of  myself, 
that  at  my  departure  from  your  father,  I  found  my 
heart  so  feeble,  and  his  so  strong,  that  he  was  fain 
to  comfort  me,  which  should  rather  have  comforted 
him."  x 

There  was  still  the  last  and  saddest  parting 
of  all.2  As  he  came  to  Tower-wharf,  his  dearest 
daughter,  Margaret,  pushed  her  way  through  the 
sympathetic  crowd  and  past  the  guard  which  sur- 
rounded him,  and  flung  herself  into  his  arms,  "  not 
able  to  say  any  word  but  '  Oh,  my  father  !  Oh,  my 
father  ! '  "  3  He  was  still  calm  enough  to  give  her 
his  blessing,  "and  many  goodly  words  of  comfort." 
"  Take  patience,  Margaret,"  he  said,  "  and  do  not 
grieve  ;  God  has  willed  it  so.  For  many  years  didst 
thou  know  the  secret  of  my  heart."  They  had  already 
parted  once,  when  she  ran  back  and  threw  her  arms 
around  him.  "  Whereat  he  spoke  not  a  word,  but 
carrying  still  his  gravity,  tears  fell  from  his  eyes : 
yea,  there  were  very  few  in  all  the  group  who  could 
refrain   thereat   from    weeping,    no,    not    the    guard 

1  Roper,  p.  52.         2  Ibid.  p.  53.         3  Cres.  More,  p.  264. 


Margarei   Giggs 
(married  john  clement). 

From  the  drawing  by  Holbein. 


To  face  page  >-i . 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    271 

themselves."  So,  too,  Margaret  Clement l  embraced 
him,  and  Dorothy  Colley,  one  of  Margaret  Roper's 
maids,  and  so  they  parted. 

The  few  days  of  life  that  were  still  left  him, 
More  spent  in  severe  mortification,  and  wore  his 
shroud  constantly.  He  had  no  intimation  of  when 
his  sentence  was  to  be  carried  out;  but  on  the 
5th  he  seemed  to  feel  that  death  was  at  hand. 
He  sent  to  his  daughter  Margaret  his  hair  shirt, 
which  he  had  worn  secretly  for  many  years,  with  the 
last  of  his  tender  letters,  so  beautiful  in  its  pathetic 
simplicity.  "  Our  Lord  bless  you,  good  daughter, 
and  your  good  husband,  and  your  little  boy,  and  all 
yours,  and  all  my  children,  and  all  my  god-children, 
and  all  our  friends.  Recommend  me,  when  you  may, 
to  my  good  daughter  Cicely,  whom  I  beseech  our 
Lord  to  comfort :  and  I  send  her  my  blessing,  and  to 
all  my  children,  and  pray  her  to  pray  for  me.  I  send 
her  an  handkercher.  And  God  comfort  my  good  son 
her  husband.  My  good  daughter  Daunce  hath  the 
picture  in  parchment  that  you  delivered  me  from  my 
lady  Conyers.  Her  name  is  on  the  back  side.  Shew 
her  that  I  heartily  pray  her  that  you  may  send  it  in 
my  name  to  her  again,  for  a  token  from  me  to  pray 
for  me.  I  like  special  well  Dorothy  Colley.  I  pray 
you  be  good  unto  her.  I  would  not  whether  this  be 
she  you  wrote  me  of.  If  not  yet  I  pray  you  be  good 
to  the  other,  as  you  may,  in  her  affliction,  and  to  my 
good  daughter2  Joan  Aleyn  too.     Give  her,  I  pray 

1  Margaret  Ciggs,  his  adopted  daughter,  now  married  to 
Dr.  Clement. 

2  Note  by  Rastell  to  edit.  1557.     "This  was  not  one  of  his 


272  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

you,  some  kind  answer,  for  she  sued  hither  to  me 
this  day  to  pray  you  be  good  to  her.  I  cumber  you, 
good  Margaret,  much  :  but  I  would  be  sorry  if  it 
should  be  any  longer  than  to-morrow.  For  it  is 
Saint  Thomas  even,  and  the  utas  of  Saint  Peter  : 
therefore  to-morrow  long  I  to  go  to  God  :  it  were  a 
day  very  meet  and  convenient  for  me.  I  never  liked 
your  manner  toward  me  better  than  when  you  kissed 
me  last  :  for  I  love  when  daughterly  love  and  dear 
charity  hath  no  leisure  to  look  to  worldly  courtesy. 
Farewell,  my  dear  child,  and  pray  for  me  and  I  shall 
for  you  and  all  your  friends  that  we  may  merrily 
meet  in  Heaven.  I  thank  you  for  your  great  cost. 
I  send  now  to  my  good  daughter  Clement  her 
algorism  stone,  and  I  send  her  and  my  godson  and 
all  others,  God's  blessing  and  mine.  I  pray  you  at 
good  time  convenient  recommend  me  to  my  good 
son,  John  More ;  I  liked  well  his  natural  fashion.1 
Our  Lord  bless  him  and  his  good  wife,  my  loving 
daughter:  to  whom  I  pray  him  be  good  as  he  hath 
good  cause  :  and  that  if  the  land  of  mine  come  into 
his  hand  he  break  not  my  will  concerning  his  sister 
Daunce.  And  our  Lord  bless  Thomas,  and  Austin,2 
and  all  that  they  shall  have."  3 

Even  in  his  last  hours  he  was  exposed  to  inter- 
ruption and  vexation :  yet  he  still  maintained  his 
playful  humour.     He  had  thought  of  shaving  off  his 


daughters,  nor  no  kin  to  him,  but  one  of  Mistress  Roper's 
maids." 

1  At  his  last  meeting  when  he  came  from  judgment:  John 
More  was  now  in  prison. 

2  John  More's  children.  3  Eng.  Works,  pp.  1457,  1458. 


TROUBLES,   IMPRISONMENT,   AND   DEATH     273 

beard,  and  coming  forth  to  his  execution  that  all 
might  see  him  as  he  had  been,  his  clear  pale  features 
as  we  know  them  in  Holbein's  drawing.  A  courtier 
came  troubling  him  with  exhortations  to  change  his 
mind.  "  Well,"  said  More  at  last,  "  I  have  changed 
it."  This  was  at  once  reported  to  the  King,  by  whom 
a  message  was  sent  to  the  prisoner  to  know  what 
was  the  change.  "  Then  Sir  Thomas  rebuked  the 
courtier  for  his  lightness  that  he  would  tell  the  king 
every  word  that  he  spoke  in  jest :  for  he  had  meant 
merely  that  he  would  not  be  shaven."  x 

When  it  was  communicated  to  him  that,  by  the 
King's  merciful  pardon,  the  horrible  sentence  of  the 
law  would  be  commuted  into  beheading,  he  exclaimed, 
"God  forbid  that  the  king  should  use  any  more  such 
mercy  unto  any  of  my  friends  ;  and  God  bless  all  my 
posterity  from  such  pardons."  2 

Very  early  in  the  morning  of  July  6,  Sir  Thomas 
Pope,  "his  singular  dear  friend,"  came  from  the  King 
and  Council,  to  say  that  his  execution  would  take 
place  that  day  before  nine  o'clock.  "  Master  Pope," 
said  More,  "  for  your  good  tidings  I  most  heartily 
thank  you.  I  have  always  been  bounden  much  to 
the  king's  highness  for  the  benefits  and  honours 
which  he  hath  from  time  to  time  heaped  on  me. 
Yet  more  bounden  am  I  to  his  grace  for  putting  me 
into  this  place  where  I  have  had  convenient  time 
and  space  to  have  remembrance  of  my  end  ;  and 
most  of  all  that  it  pleased  him  so  shortly  to  rid  me 
of  the  miseries  of  this  wretched  world.  And  there- 
fore will  I  not  fail  to  pray  for  his  grace,  both  here 

1  Stapleton,  cap.  xvi.  p.  322.  2  Ores.  More,  p.  268. 

T 


274  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

and  in  another  world."  Pope  then  told  him  that  the 
King  wished  him  not  to  use  many  words  at  his  exe- 
cution. "You  do  well  to  give  me  warning  of  his 
grace's  pleasure,"  he  replied,  "  for  otherwise  I  had 
purposed  somewhat  to  have  spoken,  but  of  no  matter 
wherewith  his  grace  or  any  other  should  have  cause 
to  be  offended.  Nevertheless  I  am  ready  to  obey 
his  command."  Then  they  spoke  of  his  burial,  at 
which  the  King  gave  leave  for  his  wife  and  children 
to  be  present.  So  they  bade  farewell,  and,  as  Pope 
could  not  refrain  from  tears,  More  comforted  him — 
"  Quiet  yourself,  good  Master  Pope,  and  be  not  dis- 
comforted ;  for  I  trust  that  we  shall  once  in  Heaven 
see  each  other  full  merrily,  where  we  shall  be  sure  to 
live  and  love  together  in  eternal  bliss." 

When  his  friend  had  left  him,  More  dressed  himself 
in  his  best  apparel, '  and  put  on  his  silk  camlet  gown 
which  his  entire  friend  Mr.  Antonio  Bonvisi  gave  him.' 
The  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower  begged  him  to  change 
it,  '  for  the  executioner,  who  should  have  it,  was  but 
a  javill.'  "  What,"  said  More,  "  shall  I  account  him 
a  javill  that  will  do  me  this  day  so  singular  a  benefit  ? 
Nay,  I  assure  you,  were  it  cloth  of  gold,  I  would 
think  it  well  bestowed  on  him,  as  S.  Cyprian  did, 
who  gave  his  executioner  thirty  pieces  of  gold."  He 
was  persuaded,  however,  to  change  it  for  a  '  gown  of 
friese,'  but  he  sent  an  angel  to  the  executioner. 
"  He l   was   therefore   brought    by   Master   Lieu- 

1  Mr.  Froude  professes  to  quote  throughout  his  account  of 
More' a  last  days  from  Cres.  More  :  he  does  so  however  very 
loosely,  and  Roper  is  in  many  places  much  more  simple  and 
beautiful.  The  following  short  passage  is  Cres.  More's  own 
words,  not  Mr.  Froude's  version. 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    275 

tenant  out  of  the  Tower,  his  beard  being  long,  which 
fashion  he  had  never  before  used,  carrying  in  his 
hands  a  red  cross,  casting  his  eyes  often  towards 
heaven."  A  woman  on  the  way  to  Tyburn  offered 
him  wine,  which  he  refused.  Another  called  after 
him  that  he  had  done  her  wrong  when  he  was  Chan- 
cellor, to  whom  he  gave  answer,  "  that  he  remembered 
her  cause  very  well,  and  that  if  he  were  now  to  give 
sentence  thereof,  he  would  not  alter  what  he  had 
already  done."  1  A  man  whom  his  counsel  had  often 
restrained  from  religious  despair,  cried  to  him  with 
great  earnestness  that  he  was  again  in  terrible 
temptation.  "  Go  and  pray  for  me,"  said  More, "  and 
I  will  pray  for  you." 

When  he  came  to  the  scaffold,  he  was  too  -weak 
to  mount  it,  and  nearly  fell.  "  I  pray  you,  Master 
Lieutenant,"  he  exclaimed,  "  see  me  safe  up,  and 
for  my  coming  down  let  me  shift  for  myself." 
Then  he  asked  the  prayers  of  all  the  people, 
and  said  to  them  simply  that  he  died  in  and 
for  the  faith  of  the  Holy  Catholic  Church.  Then 
kneelincr  down  he  said  the  Miserere.  When  the 
executioner  asked  his  forgiveness  he  kissed  him. 
'■'Thou  wilt  do  me  this  day  a  greater  benefit 
than  ever  any  mortal  man  can  be  able  to  do  me. 
Pluck  up  thy  spirit,  man,  and  be  not  afraid  to  do 
thine  office.  My  neck  is  very  short:  take  heed 
therefore  that  thou  strike  not  awry,  for  saving  of 
thine  honesty."  When  they  would  have  covered 
his  eyes,  he  said,  "  I  will  cover  them  myself,"  and 
wrapped  them  with  a  cloth  he  had  brought  with 
1  Cres.  More,  p.  273. 


276  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

him.  As  he  laid  his  head  on  the  block,  he  put  aside 
his  beard,  saying,  '  that  that  had  never  committed 
any  treason.' 1 

"  Thus,"  as  Addison  beautifully  says, "  the  innocent 
mirth  which  had  been  so  conspicuous  in  his  life  did 
not  forsake  him  to  the  last.  His  death  was  of  a 
piece  with  his  life  :  there  was  nothing  in  it  new, 
forced,  or  affected.  He  did  not  look  upon  the 
severing  of  his  head  from  his  body  as  a  circumstance 
which  ought  to  produce  any  change  in  the  dis- 
position of  his  mind  :  and  as  he  died  in  a  fixed  and 
settled  hope  of  immortality,  he  thought  any  unusual 
degree  of  sorrow  and  concern  improper."  2 

Of  all  the  brave  deaths  upon  English  scaffolds3 
which  that  sad  century  and  the  next  produced,  there 
was  none  more  calm  and  bright  than  his.  Of  one 
who  a  hundred  and  ten  years  later  died  also  for  his 
conscience,  it  was  said  that  "never  did  man  put  off 
mortality  with  better  courage."  Of  More  at  least  it 
may  be  declared  that  no  man  was  ever  more  willing 
to  die.  And  not  only  death  was  welcome,  but  happy 
was  the  path  of  affliction  that  led  to  it.  More  had 
learnt  to  tread  in  the  road  of  the  Passion  of  his 
Master,  and  it  seemed  to  him  to  be  strewn  with 
flowers.     With  Mason  he  might  cry — 

"  I  sing  to  think  this  is  the  way 
Unto  my  Saviour's  Face." 

Whatever   may    be    thought    by   theologians    or 

1  Ores.  More,  p.  275.  2  Spectator,  No.  349. 

3  I  do  not  understand  the  statement,  Diet.  Nut.  Biog. 
xxxviii.  439,  that  "  his  composure  on  the  scaffold  is  probably 
without  parallel."  Strafford,  Laud,  Charles  I.  do  not  seem  to 
have  shown  anything  but  composure. 


TROUBLES,   IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    277 

historians  of  the  speculative  opinion  for  which  More 
shed  his  blood,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  died  a 
martyr. 

A  candid  examination  of  the  Act  of  Supremacy,  in 
the  light  of  legal  interpretation  and  constitutional 
precedent,  must  show  that  it  was  not  necessarily 
contradictory  to  the  opinionswhich  Roman  theologians 
held  dear.  It  was  accepted  by  many  who  are  still 
revered  on  the  Continent  as  pillars  of  the  orthodox 
faith.1  But  no  man  can  deny  that  More  was  a 
witness  to  the  absolute  supremacy  of  conscience. 
He  was  also,  in  the  words  of  Pope  Paul  III., 
excellent  in  sacred  learning  and  bold  in  the  defence 
of  truth.  He  laid  down  his  life  rather  than  surrender 
for  fear  of  death  what  he  again  and  again  admitted  ^ai 
to  be  but  an  opinion.  He  would  lay  no  burden 
on  the  souls  of  other  men :  he  would  not  speak 
against  the  new  laws,  the  divorce,  the  King's 
marriage,  the  measures  by  which  the  Church  was 
freed  from  foreign  subjection.  These  were  matters 
upon  which  his  own  views  had  changed,  aud  upon 
which  he  could  not  feel  that  his  judgment  need  be 
final  or  binding  for  other  men.  He  condemned  no 
man ;  but  he  would  not  yield  an  inch  himself.  To 
him  almost  alone  among  his  contemporaries  the  con- 
clusions of  the  intellect  seemed  no  less  sacred  than 
the  chastity  of  the  body.  He  died  rather  than  tarnish 
the  whiteness  of  his  soul. 

His  position  was  the  more  noble  because  some  of  his 
dearest  friends  were  not  of  his  mind.    Colet  had  spoken 

1   I',  g.  Abbats  Whiting  and  others;  cf.  Gasquet'a  The  Last 
[bbot  of  Glasboribv/ry,  p.  -17. 


278  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

too  freely  for  us  to  doubt  that  he  would  not  thus  have 
interpreted  the  historic  claim  of  Rome.  On  Erasmus 
the  critic  the  Papal  authority  sat  but  lightly. 
Tunstal  declared  clearly  that  "  the  Church  of  Rome 
had  never  of  old  such  a  monarchy  as  of  late  it  hath 
usurped." 1  But  the  foreign  scholars  to  whom  he  had 
appealed  were,  from  the  first,  in  almost  every  case  in 
his  favour.2  Lutherans  condemned  him  as  an  enemy 
of  the  Gospel,3  but  Italians  saw  in  him  a  martyr  and 
a  saint.4  Gregory  XIII.  in  1572  did  honour  to  his 
memory,  but  it  was  not  till  December  29,  1886,  that 
a  decree  of  Beatification  was  issued  from  Rome. 

More's  fame  did  not  wait  for  such  tardy  honours. 
He  had  been  for  many  years  renowned  among  the 
writers  of  Europe.  It  may  be  doubted  indeed  if  any 
event  in  English  history  since  the  murder  of  S.  Thomas 

1  I  venture  to  quote  the  passage  from  Fr.  Bridgett's  valuable 
Life  of  More,  p.  347,  who  has  taken  the  extract  from  British 
Museum  MS.  Cleopatra,  E.  vi.  f.  389.  Tunstal  states  that 
the  meaning  of  the  Royal  Supremacy  was  "to  reduce  the 
Church  of  England  out  of  all  captivity  of  foreign  powers, 
heretofore  usurped  therein,  into  the  pristine  estate  that  all 
Churches  of  all  realms  were  in  at  the  beginning,  and  to 
abolish  and  clearly  put  away  such  usurpation  as  theretofore 
the  Bishops  of  Rome  have,  to  their  great  advantage  and  im- 
poverishing of  the  realm  and  the  king's  subjects,  of  the  same. 
.  .  .  Would  to  God  you  had  been  exercised  in  reading  the 
ancient  councils,  that  you  might  have  known  from  the  begin- 
ning, from  age  to  age,  the  continuance  and  progress  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  by  which  you  should  have  perceived  that  the 
Church  of  Rome  had  never  of  old  such  a  monarchy  as  of  late 
it  hath  usurped." 

2  Cf.  Letter  of  Cochlaeus  to  Henry  VIII.,  Leipzig,  1536. 
Letters  and  Papers,  x.  34. 

3  Cf .  Letters  and  Papers,  x.  587. 

4  Cf.  Poem  of  Zenobio  Ceffino  (see  Letters  and  Papers,  x. 
844). 


TROUBLES,   IMPRISONMENT,  AND   DEATH     279 

of  Canterbury  had  excited  such  universal  interest 
abroad.  Letter  after  letter  published  throughout 
the  Continent  proclaimed  his  merits  and  deplored 
the  barbarity  of  his  death.  An  "  expositio  fidelis  de 
niorte  Thomae  Mori,"  appeared  before  the  year  was 
out.  Almost  every  foreign  nation  issued  its  own 
record  of  his  pathetic  fate.  Erasmus  called  heaven 
and  earth  to  witness  against  the  monstrous  cruelty 
of  the  King,' and  Pole  in  his  bitter  remonstrance 
on  the  Unity  of  the  Church  cried  out,  "  You  have 
slain,  you  have  slain,  the  best  Englishman  alive." 

The  excitement  aroused  by  his  execution  was  felt 
to  be  a  real  political  danger.  The  King  caused  a 
formal  defence  of  his  action  to  be  put  forth.  For 
years  after  the  State  Papers  show  how  minute  was 
the  investigation  into  any  circumstances  which 
seemed  to  show  personal  association  with  the 
murdered  man.1  From  the  first  his  memory  was 
regarded  in  England  with  extraordinary  reverence. 
But  strange  to  say,  no  certain  record  of  his  burial  is 
preserved,  and  it  is  not  even  clear  whether  the  story 
of  Margaret  Roper's  devotion  which  Tennyson  has 
made  immortal  is  more  than  a  pathetic  fiction.2 

A  number  of  relics  of  him  were  preserved,  many 
of  which  are  now  at  Stonyhurst.3  His  descendants 
were  careful  to  claim  kinship  to  the  martyr.  It  is  a 
common  thing  to  see  on  the  tombs  of  even  remote 
kindred  in  different  parts  of  England  some  reference 

1  E.  g.  Letters  hi, rJ  Papers,  vol.  xiii.  pt.  i.  Feb.  30,  1538; 
pt.  ii.  695,  702,  828,  854. 

2  The  whole  question  is  exhaustively  discussed  hy  Fr. 
BridKttt,  pp.  435  sqq. 

3  See  Fr.  Bridgett's  Life  of  More,  Appendix  A. 


280  SIR  THOMAS   MORE 

to  the  stock  of  the  great  man  from  which  they 
came.1  In  the  male  line  the  family  became  extinct 
with  the  death  of  Father  Thomas  More,  sometime 
English  provincial  of  the  Jesuits,  in  1795.  His  sister, 
Bridget  More,  by  her  marriage  with  Peter  Metcalfe, 
left  a  daughter  who  is  represented  by  the  Eyston 
family  of  East  Hendred.  There  are  probably  many 
descendants  of  More  in  the  female  line.  The  male 
line  of  the  Ropers  died  out,  but  females  of  their 
families  became  ancestresses  of  the  Winns,  Constables 
and  others.2 

The  multiplication  of  portraits  is  a  prominent 
proof  of  the  permanent  interest  taken  in  the  great 
man's  memory.  The  fame  of  such  a  man  was  indeed 
what  neither  England  nor  the  world  would  willingly 
let  die. 

"  The  web  of  our  life  is  of  a  mingled  yarn,  good 
and  ill  together  :  our  virtues  would  be  proud  if  our 
faults  whipped  them  not."  More's  character  was 
not  faultless.  In  his  youth  indeed  he  wrote  not  a 
little  that  his  religion  in  later  life  must  have  de- 
plored. He  was  beset  by  keen  temptations  of  the 
flesh.  But  certainly  the  spirit  triumphed.  His  life 
was  not  without  its  mistakes ;  but  no  man  ever 
redeemed  his  errors  more  nobly.  A  great  historian 
has  said  that  there  are  no  famous  men  of  the  six- 

1  A  curious  instance  of  this  is  afforded  by  a  slab  in  Brize- 
Norton  Church,  Oxfordshire,  in  memory  of  "  Thomas  Green- 
wood, e  Thoma  Moro  olim  Angl.  Cancell.  Oriundus,"  who 
died  in  1678. 

2  See  Fr.  Bridgett's  Life,  Appendix  E,  and  Hunter's  edition 
of  Cresacre  More's  Life,  Freface,  part  iv.;  and  Auction  Catalogue 
of  Books  of  Baron  von  Druffel  (Minister,  1894). 


TROUBLES,   IMPRISONMENT,   AND  DEATH     281 

teenth  century  whom  it  is  possible  wholly  to  admire  ; l 
but  it  is  difficult  uot  to  claim  that  More  forms  an 
exception  to  this  stern  judgment.  The  fascination 
which  won  the  hearts  of  his  contemporaries  affects 
even  the  least  emotional  of  his  biographers.  Admir- 
ation is  no  sufficient  tribute :  we  love  him  as  if  he 
were  our  own  friend. 

Of  such  a  character  it  is  difficult  to  speak  critic- 
ally. His  was  not  a  mind  of  the  subtlety  which  is 
the  fit  subject  for  psychological  analysis.  The  leading- 
lines  stand  clearly  out.  He  was  a  man  of  very 
single-minded  purpose,  laboriously  studious  and  con- 
scientious in  public  as  in  private  life.  Deeply 
reverent  and  truly  pious,  he  had  yet  a  keen  sense  of 
the  follies  of  his  fellow-men ;  but  his  mirth  was  that 
of  the  humorist,  not  the  cynic.  He  was  sensitive 
and  therefore  observant ;  affectionate  and  of  a  beau- 
tiful patience.  Few  men  have  had  more  power  of 
inspiring  love.  His  wide  tastes — learned,  musical, 
scientific — no  doubt  helped  to  win  him  so  wide  a 
fame ;  but  the  deepest  cause  was  the  beauty  of  bis 
life.  His  character,  perfect  as  it  is,  is  delightful 
chiefly  because  it  is  so  natural.  There  was  never 
in  him  anything  strained  or  affected,  weak  imitation 

1  Bishop  Creigliton,  in  the  Land  Commemoration  Vohnu,^ 
p.  14—"  It  is  well  to  abandon  all  illusions  about  the  sixteenth 
century.  There  were  strong  men,  there  were  powerful  minds, 
hut  there  was  a  dearth  of  beautiful  characters.  A  time  of 
revolt  and  upheaval  is  a  time  of  one-sided  energy,  and  of 
moral  uncertainty,  of  hardness,  of  unsound  argument,  of  im- 
perfect self-control,  of  vacillation,  of  self-seeking.  It  is 
difficult  in  Buch  atime  to  find  heroes,  to  discover  a  man  whom 
wecan  unreservedly  admire."  In  delivering  his  lecture  the 
i;i  bop  added  emphatically,  "I  know  none." 


282  SIR  THOMAS  MORE 

of  others,  or  striving  after  what  he  could  never  be. 
Its  beautiful  calmness,  its  even  tenor,  the  peace 
that  seems  always  to  hang  over  it,  make  it  easy  to 
forget  the  troublous  scenes  in  which  his  life  was 
passed.  It  was  an  age  of  fightings  and  fears.  More 
passed  through  the  thick  of  them ;  and  no  man,  it 
may  be  said  truly,  passed  through  so  unscathed. 
Well  may  his  reverent  descendant  proclaim  that 
"  his  soul  was  carried  by  angels  into  everlasting 
glory,  where  a  crown  of  martyrdom  was  put  on  him 
which  can  never  fade  nor  decay." 

No  estimate  of  More's  life  would  be  satisfactory 
which  did  not  consider  his  position  and  his  influence 
in  relation  to  the  great  movements  of  his  age.  Pos- 
terity will  here  rank  him  at  least  as  highly  as  did 
his  contemporaries.  No  one  who  reverences  the 
heritage  of  faith  bequeathed  to  the  Christian  Church 
will  remember  him  without  gratitude.  He  was 
placed  suddenly  in  face  of  a  critical  question.  He 
answered  it  as  his  successors  in  the  English  Church 
would  not  now  answer.  But  it  would  be  difficult 
to  find  in  his  writings  any  formal  statement  of 
doctrine  which  the  English  Church  since  his  day 
has  ever  formally  abandoned.  It  would  be  idle 
indeed  to  dispute  with  Roman  hagiologists  their 
right  to  revere  him  as  a  martyr  of  their  own ;  but 
no  true  theological  estimate  would  deny  that  he 
belongs  to  the  historic  and  continuous  Church  of 
England.  A  close  study  of  his  religious  writings, 
as  of  his  life,  shows  that  More  was  a  saint  of  whom 
England  may  still  be  proud. 

As  a  man  of  letters  he  has  claims  as  great  upon 


TROUBLES,  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  DEATH    2s:1, 

the  reverence  of  literary  men.  It  would  not  be  a 
mistake  to  regard  him  as  the  founder  of  modern 
English  literature.  His  fresh  and  vigorous  use  of 
a  vocabulary  hardly  any  part  of  which  is  yet  obsolete, 
his  power  of  narration,  of  declamation,  and  of 
criticism,  make  him  to  stand  out  among  the  earliest 
masters  of  English  prose.  As  a  scholar  he  linked  the 
learning  of  the  Renaissance  to  the  faith  of  the 
medieval  Church,  and  he  brought  classical  interests 
within  the  range  of  ordinary  English  men  of  affairs. 
He  was  one  of  the  first  of  our  fathers  to  whom 
rightly  belonged  the  titles  of  a  scholar  and  a 
gentleman. 

Most  of  all,  perhaps,  he  will  be  remembered  as 
the  years  go  on  for  his  passionate  ideal  of  social 
progress.  So  long  as  men  suffer  and  thinkers  search 
for  remedies  for  human  misery  and  human  sin,  the 
author  of  the  Utopia  is  immortal.  And  it  should 
never  be  forgotten  that  the  social  ideal  which  ho 
gave  to  the  world  came  from  a  heart  and  a  mind 
stored  with  practical  statesmanship  and  Christian 
theology. 


INDEX 


Aijxgtox,  Sin  Gilf.*,  58 
Ammonius,  54,   58,  69,  126,  163 
Annates  Act  passed,  180 
Anne,  Queen  (Bullen),  230,  240, 

261 
Antwerp,  the  Commission  at,  147 
Apology  of    Sir  Thomas  More, 

151,  219,  222,  225 
Arthur,  Prince,  14,  24,  197 
Ascham,  Nicholas,  44 
Audley,    Sir    Thomas,    succeeds 

More  as  Chancellor,  182,  241, 

248,  262,  264 

Bainham,  217,  221 

Basle,  70,  84,  86,  87 

Bayfield,  217 

Beaumont,  Viscount,  143 

Bell,  Dr.,  150 

Bilney,  206,  217 

Blackfriars,  Parliament  held  at, 

155,  173 
Bonvisi,  Antonio,  84,  274 
Boulogne,  siege  of,  165 
Bourchier,  Cardinal,  7 
Bridgett,  Father,  author  of  Life 

of  Sir  Thomas  More,  38,  278 
Brixius,  a  French  poet,  74,  100, 

101 
Bronchorst,  Gerard,  70 
Bruges,  146,  153,  154 
Jiueklersbury,  38,  62,  64 
Budaeus,  60,  71,  81,  83,  84,  99 
Bugenhagen,  200 
Busleiden,    Jerome    (Buslidius), 

82,  84,  99,  100 

Calais,  Embassy    sent    to,   150, 

164 
Cambray,  treaty  of,  168 
Campeggio,  l  l  ,  167 

Cardinal  College,  106 


Carmen  gralulatorium,  41,  101 

Caxton,  the  printer,  190 

Chalcondylas,  15 

Chapuys,  175,  176,  179,  181 

Charles,  V.,  145,  154, 168,  179 

Charterhouse,  the,  21,  22 

Charterhouse,  Fathers  of  the, 
234  ;  are  condemned  by  the 
King,  256  ;   executed,  257 

Chelsea,  45,  46,  81,  86 

.  a  poem  by  Brixius, 

■    100 

Christ  Church,  Oxford,  14 

Clement  VII.,  178 

Clement,  John,  58,  81 

Clifford,  John,  116 

Colet,  John,  6,  15,  16,  17,  18, 
19,  20,  21,  25,  30,  38,  69,  73, 
74,  77,  78,  81,  187,  188,  208, 
277 

Colt,  John,  Sir  Thomas  More's 
father-indaw,  37 

Confutation,  by  Sir  Thomas  More, 
223,  224,  225 

Corneo,  Andrea,  31,  36 

Coverdale,  Miles,  227 

Craumer,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, 76,  238,  241,  244,  258 

Cromwell,  Thomas,  160,  229, 
230,  231,  234,  235,  237,  238, 
241,  214,  250,  253,  254,  256, 
257,  258,  259,  262 

Dauncey,  Elizabeth,  Sir  Thomas 

More's  daughter,  57,   87,   98, 

271,  272 
Debellation    of   Salem    ami  Bi- 

zance,   bv   Sir  Thomas   More, 

225 
I  ij  ilogue,  A,  of  Sir  Thomas  More, 

202,  209,  210,  212,  213,   21  1, 

215,  222,  223 


286 


INDEX 


Dorpius,  16 

Dudley,  chosen  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  24  ;  exe- 
cuted, 41 

Dynham,  Sir  John,  56 

Edward  VI.,  16 

Elizabeth,  wife  of  Henry  VII., 
died  February  1503,  22 

Ellen  of  Tottenham,  233 

Empson,  24,  41 

Encomium  Moriae,  65,  68,  77, 
84,  85 

Epistolae  Obscurorum  Virorum, 
28,  115 

Erasmus,  friend  of  Sir  Thomas 
More's,  3  ;  at  Oxford,  14,  18  ; 
tutor  to  William  Blount,  19  ; 
his  great  friendship  for  More, 
20,  64 ;  leaves  England,  21, 
22,  28,  38  ;  on  More's  ap- 
pearance, 43,  44,  45,  46,  47, 
48  ;  dedicates  his  translation 
of  Aristotle  to  Sir  Thomas 
More's  only  son,  John,  56  ; 
his  letter  to  Hutten,  60,  62  ; 
his  Moria,  65,  67  ;  at  Cam- 
bridge, 68  ;  leaves  England, 
69  ;  returns  to  England,  70, 
71,  73,  74  ;  his  illness,  75  ; 
proves  his  friendship  for  More, 
76,  79,  80,  82,  84,  85,  87  ; 
his  New  Testament,  100  ;  his 
opinion  of  the  cause  of  the 
plague,  127,  141  ;  his  descrip- 
tion of  More's  conduct  as 
Under-Sheriff  of  London,  143  ; 
letter  from  More  to  Erasmus, 
147,  148  ;  writes  to  Tunstal, 
149;  his  letter  to  iEgidius,  152, 
153,  162;  condemns  Wolsey, 
163,  164,  184,  185,  187  ;  op- 
poses the  foreign  reformers, 
188,  189,  223,  224,  278,  279 

Exeter,  Bishop  of,  57 

Field,  John,  218,  219 

Fish,  Simon,  214 

Fisher,  Bishop  of  Rochester,  69, 


70,  73,  81,  149,  156,  232,  244, 

251,  255,  260,  262,  263,   265, 

266 
Fitz william,  Sir  William,  230 
Fox,     Bishop     of     Winchester, 

Keeper  of  Privy  Seal,  25,  144, 

156,  217,  219,  221 
Francesco,  Gian,  nephew  of  Pico, 

30,  33,  36,  191 
Francis  I.,  83,  168 
French  Commissioners,  the,  153 
Frith,  John,  222,  225 
Froben,   the     printer,    70,     84, 

85 
Froude,    Mr.,    178,     201,    216, 

217,  218,  219,  222 

Gardiner,    Stephen,    Archdeacon 

of  Taunton,  168,  213 
Giggs,   Margaret,    wife   of  John 

Clement,  58,  88,  271,  272 
Giustiniani,    the  Venetian    Am- 
bassador, 92,  153 
Gloucester,    Richard,    Duke    of, 

108,  109 
Goclenius,  200 
Granfyld,  240 
Granger,  Agnes,   mother  of  Sir 

Thomas  More,  5,  82 
Grocyn,  William,  14,  16,  21,  27, 

38,  73,  102,  104 
Gunnel,  William,  tutor  to  More's 

children,  58 

Hall,  161,  173,  175 
Harpsfield,  17,  43,  46 
Hassia,  Henricus  de,  190 
Henry  VII.,    14,    42,  101,  110, 

122,  144 
Henry  VIII.,  4,   5,  39,  40,  41, 

42,   75,   82,  83,  93,   101,  103, 

118,   122,    135,  178,  196,  197, 

229,  230,  232,   238,  239,  244, 

273 
Henry,     son    of    Henry    VIII., 

created   Duke    of    Richmond, 

160 
Herbert  of  Cherbury,  Lord,  160, 

161,  210 


INDEX 


Heron,   Giles,  son-in-law  of  Sir 

Thomas  More,  49,  57 
Hevwood,  Ellis,  his  II  Moro,  63, 

82 
Holbein,    17,    43,     44,    47,    75, 

84,  85,  86,  87,  273 
Holinshed,  110 

Holt,  Nicholas,  schoolmaster,  6 
Hooker,  Richard,  190,  210 
Hutten,  Ulrich  von,  20,  60,  71, 

144 

Imtitutio  Principis  Christiani,70 

Joy,  George,  punished  by  More, 

220 
Julius  II.,  Pope,  66,  67 

Katherine,  Queen,  42,  179,  197, 
261 

Kent,  the  Nun  of,  231,  232,  233, 
234,  235,  238,  244 

Kingston,  Sir  William,  the  Con- 
stable of  the  Tower,  269,  270 

Knight,  Dr.  William,  152 

Latimer,  Hugh,  213,  242 
Latimer,  William,  6,  18,  78,  80, 

121 
Leigh,  Joyeuce,  36 
Leo  X.,  Pope,  67 
Lilly,  William,  friend  of  More, 

21,  27,  28,  38,  78,  98 
Linacre,  15,  16,  18,  21,  27,  38, 

78,  102 
Lincolne,  John,  150 
London,    Stokesley,    Bishop  of, 

168,  218 
Lupset,  81  ;  brings  out  a  second 

edition  of  Utopia  in  Paris,  83 
Luther,   Martin,   166,   189,  196, 

197,  198,  199,  200,  202,  203, 

208,  209,  213 
Lydgate,  22 

Mackintosh,  Sir  James,  Life  of 

More,  11,  176 
Margaret,    daughter    of    Henry 

VII.,  24 


Medici,  Lorenzo  de',  31,  32 

bis,   by  Sir  Thomas 
More,  188 
Mel  salfe,  Peter,  2^0 
Middleton,-<awSeJ    the     second 
wife  of  15ir  Thomas  More,  54, 
55,  87,  247,  248,  253 
Mirandola,  Pico  della,  2,  3,  14, 
23,  29,  30,  31,   32,  33,  34,  35, 
37,  191 
More,   Bridget,  sister  of  Father 
Thomas    More,    and    wife    of 
Peter  Metcalfe,  280 
More,    Cicely,    daughter   of    Sir 
Thomas   More,    wife   of  Giles 
Heron,  39,  57,  87,  88,  90,  271 
More,    Cresacre,    great-grandson 
of  Sir   Thomas   More,    5,  21, 
43,  55,  56,  59,  171,  172,  198, 
267 
More,    Elizabeth,    sister    of   Sir 

Thomas  More,  5 
More,  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Sir 
Thomas    More,    39  ;     marries 
Mr.  Dauncey,  57,  87,  90 
More,  Joan,  sister  of  Sir  Thomas 

More,  5 
More,    Sir  John,   father   of  Sir 
Thomas  More,  4,  5,  17,  25,  59  ; 
his  death,  180 
More,  John,  son  of  Sir  Thomas 
More,     born     1509,    39,    55  ; 
marries     Anne    Cresacre,    56, 
272 
More,  John,  grandfather  of  Sir 

Thomas  More,  5 
More,  Father  Thomas,  descendant 

of  Sir  Thomas  More,  280 
More,  Sir  Thomas,  his  birth, 
4  ;  childhood,  11  ;  schooldays, 
11;  entered  Canterbury  Col- 
lege, 14,  15,  16,  17  ;  left  Ox- 
ford, 18  ;  entered  New  Inn, 
18  ;  admitted  student  at  Lin- 
coln's Inn,  19;  called  to  tho 
Bar,  i:»,  20,  21  ;  appoint  d 
reader  ,ii  Purnival's  Inn,  21, 
22;   returned  to  Parliament, 


288 


INDEX 


22  ;  wrote  poetical  lament  on 
the  death  of  the  Queen,  22,  23, 
24,  25,  26,  27,  28  ;  influenced 
by  the  Italian  Renaissance,  29, 
30,  33  ;  marries,  37  ;  his  fame, 
39  ;  his  prosperity,  48  ;  poems 
on  accession  of  Henry  VIII., 
41  ;  his  appearance  and  cha- 
racter, 43  ;  returns  from  the 
Netherlands,  49  ;  letter  to  his 
wife,  49  ;  his  second  marriage, 
54  ;  his  filial  reverence,  59  ; 
his  home,  60  ;  friendship  with 
Erasmus,  64  ;  sent  on  a  mission 
to  Bruges,  69  ;  letter  to  a 
monk,  72  ;  his  work  as  Chan- 
cellor, 75  ;  resigns  the  Chan- 
cellorship, 75 ;  is  imprisoned, 
76  ;  his  friends,  76,  86  ;  his  epi- 
grams, 98,  104  ;  quarrels  with 
Brixius,  100,  102  ;  his  letter 
to  the  "  Fathers  and  Proctors  " 
of  the  Oxford  University, 
104,  105 ;  appointed  High 
Steward  of  the  University, 
105  ;  his  History  of  Richard 
III.,  106,  109  ;  his  position  as 
an  historian,  110  ;  his  Utopia, 
and  whence  the  groundwork 
of  it  was  derived,  111,  116  ; 
his  opinion  as  to  the  punish- 
ment of  thieves,  118,  120  ;  his 
theory  as  to  the  duty  of  a  king, 
121,  123  ;  the  government  of 
Utopia ;  125,  129  ;  the  Uto- 
pians' mode  of  life  and  educa- 
tion, 129,  131,  132,  136,  138, 
139,  140  ;  writes  to  Erasmus, 
141  ;  elected  Under-Sheriff  of 
London,  143  ;  becomes  Bencher 
of  Lincoln's  Inn,  144  ;  goes  to 
Flanders,  146  ;  returns  to  Eng- 
land, 147  ;  writes  to  Erasmus, 
147,  148  ;  requested  to  enter 
the  Royal  Service,  149 ;  ap- 
pointed Master  of  Requests,  and 
member  of  the  Privy  Council ; 
149  ;  his  connexion  with  the 
riots    in    London,    150 ;    his 


apology,  151,  152 ;  goes  to 
Calais  to  negotiate  with  the 
French  merchants,  152,  153  ; 
returns  to  England,  153  ;  signs 
treaty  between  England  and 
France,  153  ;  meets  the  Em- 
peror at  Canterbury,  154  ; 
tricks  the  boastful  Fleming, 
154 ;  is  knighted  and  made 
Treasurer  of  the  Exchequer, 
is  one  of  the  King's  chief 
secretaries,  154 ;  receives  the 
manor  of  South,  and  is  chosen 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, 155 ;  his  speech  in 
Parliament,  157,  158,  159; 
receives  mark  of  royal  grati- 
tude, 159,  160 ;  receives  gift 
from  the  Exchequer,  162 ; 
his  letters  to  Wolsey,  164, 
165;  signs  "treaty  of  the 
More,"  and  appointed  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Duchy  of  Lan- 
caster, 166  ;  his  speeches  with 
the  King,  166  ;  confers  with 
the  Bishops  of  Durham  and 
Bath  concerning  Henry's  in- 
tended divorce,  166,  167  ;  goes 
to  Canterbury,  168  ;  receives 
the  great  seal,  and  takes  the 
oaths,  171  ;  appointed  Chan- 
cellor, 172  ;  his  opening  speech, 
173,  175  ;  his  duties  as  Chan- 
cellor and  in  the  Court  of 
Chancery,  176,  177  ;  supports 
Queen  Katherine,  179  ;  resigns 
Chancellorship,  ISO ;  his 
poverty,  181, 183  ;  his  religious 
works,  184  ;  condemns  the 
position  of  the  foreign  re- 
formers, 188  ;  led  into  religious 
controversy  by  the  King,  196  ; 
defends  Henry  against  Luther, 
198,  200  ;  defends  the  Church 
against  the  attacks  of  the 
English  reformers,  202 ;  his 
Dialogue,  202,  209 ;  extracts 
from  his  Dialogue,  210,  212, 
213  ;  his  Supplication  of  Souls, 


INDEX 


289 


214,  215  ;  his  duties  as  Lord 
Chancellor  oblige  him  to  at- 
tend the  examination  of  here- 
215,  2^2  ;  his  reply  to 
Tyndale,  223  ;  enunciates  the 
dogma  of  the  Pope's  infalli- 
bility, 225  ;  resigns  the  Chan- 
cellorship, 225  ;  refuses  help 
from  the  clergy,  226,  227,  228  ; 
appointed  Sheriff  for  Somerset 
and  Dorset,  229 ;  counsels 
Cromwell  how  to  act  towards 
Henry,  229,  230  ;  refuses  his 
consent  to  Henry's  marriage, 

230  ;  accused  of  corruption,230, 

231  ;  interview  with  the  Nun 
of  Kent,  233  ;  writes  to  Crom- 
well and  to  the  King,  235  ; 
and  again  to  Cromwell,  235, 
237  ;  is  examined,  238,  239  ; 
his  troubles,  240  ;  fresh  troubles 
arise,  240  ;  summoned  before 
the  Commissioners,  241  ;  com- 
mitted to  the  abbat  of  West- 
minster's custody,  244  ;  refuses 
the  oath,  and  is  committed  to 
the  Tower,  245  ;  is  visited  there 
by  his  wife  Alice,  247,  248  ; 
all  his  possessions  taken  away, 
252,  253  ;  his  writings  whilst 
imprisoned,  254,  255  ;  his  letter 
to  his  daughter,  255,  256  ;  be- 
fore Cromwell  and  others,  256, 
259  ;  still  further  examined, 
259,  260  ;  before  a  Special 
Commission,  262  ;  the  indict- 
ment, 263  ;  his  reply  to  same, 
264,  269  ;  is  found  guilty,  267  ; 
sad  partings,  270,  271  ;  his 
letter  to  his  daughter  Margaret, 
271,  272  ;  his  last  days,  273, 
276  ;  his  death,  276 

Morton,  Cardinal,  7—11,  14,  24, 

107,  109,  120 
Mountjoy,  Lord,  William  Blount, 

pupil  and  friend  of  Erasmus, 

19,  21,  73 

Norfolk,  Duke  of,  52,  168,  170, 


171,  ISO,  219,   238,  240,   262. 
264,  268 

■iiiiViitum,  Erasmus's 
edition,  65,  69. 

Oxford,  sickness  breaks  out  at, 

126  ;  More's  relations  with  the 

University,  104,  sqq. 
Oxymorus,  suggested  by  Budaeus 

as    a   name    for    Sir  Thomas 

More,  83 

Pace,  friend  of  More,  IS,  73,  80  ; 

writes   to   Wolsey,    153,    154 

185,  196 
Pacifier,  the,  written  by  Saint- 

german,  225 
Palmer,  Mr.,  259,  267 
Parnell,  accuses  More  of  accepting 

a  bribe,  231 
Petrus    (Egidius    (Peter    Gile^), 

friend  of  More,  71,  82,  84  ;  his 

association  with   the    Utopia, 

112,  115,  147,  152 
Philips,  Thomas,  218 
Piers  Ploughman,  142 
Pirchheimer,  Bilibald,  99 
Pole,  Reginald,  Cardinal,  56,  81, 

279 
Poliziano,  1,  15,  30,  33 
Pope,  Sir  Thomas,  273,  274 

Rastell,    John,    the     poet    and 

printer,  husband  of  Elizabeth 

More,  5,  106 
Rastell,  William,  nephew  of  Sir 

Thomas  More,  231 
Reformation,  the,  3,  14,  28,  76, 

154,  188,  190,  199,  201 
Renaissance,  the,   3,  14,  28,  139 
Resbye,  Father,  232 
Reuchlin,  70 
Rich,  Father,  232 
Rich,  the  Solicitor-General,  259, 

260,  261,  263,  266,  267 
Richard  III.,  History  of,  by  Sir 

Thomas  More,  69,  97,  110 
Robinson,  Ralph,  bis  translation 

of  the  Utopia,  111,  114  A?;.,  131 


290 


INDEX 


Roper,  William,  9,  17,  24,  25, 
37,  52,  55 ;  marries  More's 
daughter  Margaret,  56,  59,  93, 
94,  154,  155,  156,  159,  164, 
168,  169,  171,  172,  175,  177, 
226,  227,  229,  235,  238,  239, 
242,  247,  270 

JRufull  Lamentation,  written  by 
Sir  Thomas  More,  14,  22 


Sagudino,    Nicolo,    Secretary  to 

Giustiniani,  92 
Saintgerman,   a  lawyer,    author 

of  The  Pacifier,  225 
S.  Mary  Hall,  Oxford,  14 
St.  Oswald,  Lord,  his  picture  at 

Nostell  Priory,  88 
Salisbury,  Countess  of,  81 
Sampson,   Dr.,  Vicar-general  of 

Tournay,  146 
Savonarola,  31,  32,  36,  199 
Scotland,  164 
Seebohm,  Mr.  F.,  134,  186,  187, 

197 
Shore,  Jane,  109 
Sion,  Fathers  of,  232,  234 
Southwell,  Sir  Richard,  259,  267 
Spynell,  Sir  Thomas,  146 
StafTerton,  Richard,  husband  of 

Joan  More,  5,  83 
Standish,  Dr.,  150 
Stapleton,  Dr.,  Trcs  Thomae,  6, 

21,  26,  58,  99,  104 
Stow,  110 
Strype,  221,  222 
Succession,  Act  of,  passed,  241  ; 

second  do.  do.  247 
Suffolk,  Charles  Brandon,  Duke 

of,  171,  258,  263 
Siqjplication    of   Souls,    by    Sir 

Thomas  More,  214,  219 
Supremacy,  Act  of,  277 


Thierry,  publisher  of  Utopia,  70 
Tunstal,  Cuthbert,  Master  of  the 
Rolls,  Archdeacon  of  Chester, 
and  Bishop  of  Durham,  78,  79, 
80,  92,  141,  145,  146,  147, 
149,  155,  168,  202,  213,  230, 
278 
Tyudale,  William,  20,  202,  203  ; 
his  New  Testament,  207,  208, 
212,  213,  222 ;  attacks  More, 
222,  223,  224,  225 

Utopia,  23,  47,  48,  61.  70,  72, 
79,  83,  84,  85,  97,  110  sqq., 
131,  134,  142,  147,  149,  185, 
186,  188,  208,  209,  283 

Vergil,  Polydore,  74,  84 
Vespucci,  Amerigo,  2,  3,  112 

Walsingham,  Edward,  Lieut,  of 
the  Tower,  262,  274,  275 

Warham,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, 69,  70,  71,  73,  76,  78, 

144,  213,  232 
Whiting,  Abbat,  252 

Wilson,  Dr.,  one  of  the  King's 

chaplains,  243,  252 
Winchester,  Bishop  of,  230 
Wingfield,  Sir  Richard,  152  ;  his 

death,  166 
Wiltshire,    Earl     of,    father    of 

Queen  Anne,  231,  258,  262 
Wolsey,  Cardinal,  3,  4,  18,  69, 

74,    94,  105,   106,    126,    127, 

145,  146,  148,  149,  152,  153, 
154,  155,  156,  158,  159,  160, 
161,  162,  163,  164,  165,  168, 
170,  171,  173,  175,  189,  216, 
232 

Wood,  John,  More's  servant,  245 
Wydville,  Anthony  (Earl  Rivers), 
190 


Richard  Clay  &  Sons,  Limited,  London  &  Bungay. 


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paper,  crown  8vo,  buckram,  3$.  6d.  a  volume. 

NEW  VOLUMES. 

THE  LIVES  OF  DONNE,  WOTTON,  HOOKER,  HERBERT, 
and  SANDERSON.  By  Izaak  Walton.  With  an  Introduction 
by  Vernon  Blackburn,  and  a  Portrait. 

THE  LIVES  OF  THE  ENGLISH  POETS.  By  Samuel 
Johnson,  LL.D.  With  an  Introduction  by  John  Hepburn 
Millar,  and  a  Portrait.     3  vols. 

W.  M.   DIXON 

A  PRIMER  OF  TENNYSON.  By  W.  M.  Dixon,  M.A., 
Professor  of  English  Literature  at  Mason  College.  Cr.  8vo.  2s.  6d. 
This  book  consists  of  (1)  a  succinct  but  complete  biography  of  Lord  Tennyson; 
(2)  an  account  of  the  volumes  published  by  him  in  chronological  order,  dealing  wiih 
the  more  important  poems  separately  ;  (3)  a  concise  criticism  of  Tennyson  in  his 
various  aspects  as  lyrist,  dramatist,  and  representative  poet  of  his  day;  (4)  a 
bibliography.  Such  a  complete  book  on  such  a  subject,  and  at  such  a  moderate 
price,  should  find  a  host  of  readers. 

Fiction 

MARIE  CORELLI 

THE  SORROWS  OF  SATAN.     By  Marie  Corelli,  Author  of 
'Barabbas,'  'A  Romance  of  Two  Worlds,'  etc.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 


4         Messrs.  Methuen's  Announcements 

ANTHONY  HOPE 
THE  CHRONICLES  OF  COUNT  ANTONIO.     By  Anthony 
Hope,  Author  of  '  The  Prisoner  of  Zenda,'  '  The  God  in  the  Car,' 
etc.     Crown  8vo.     6s. 
A  romance  of  mediaeval  Italy. 

GILBERT  PARSER 

AN    ADVENTURER    OF    THE    NORTH.      By    Gilbert 

Parker,  Author  of  '  Pierre  and  his  People,'  '  The  Translation  of  a 

Savage,'  etc.     Crown  8vo.  6s. 

This  book  consists  of  more  tales  of  the  Far  North,  and  contains  the  last  adventures 
of '  Pretty  Pierre.1  Mr.  Parker's  first  volume  of  Canadian  stories  was  published 
about  three  years  ago,  and  was  received  with  unanimous  praise. 

EMILY  LAWLESS 
HURRISH.      By  the    Honble.    Emily    Lawless,  Author   of 
'  Maelcho,'  'Grania,'  etc.     Crown  8vo.     6s. 
A  reissue  of  Miss  Lawless'  most  popular  novel. 

S.  BARING  GOULD 
NOEMI.     By  S.  Baring  Gould,  Author  of  '  Mehalah,'  '  In  the 
Roar  of  the  Sea,'  etc.   Illustrated  by  R.  Caton  Woodville.    Crown 
8vo.     6s. 
A  Romance  of  Old  France. 

MRS.   CLIFFORD 

A    FLASH    OF    SUMMER.      By    Mrs.  W.   K.    Clifford, 
Author  of 'Aunt  Anne.'    Croiun8vo.    6s. 

J.  MACLAREN  COBBAN 

THE  KING  OF  ANDAMAN.     By  J.   Maclaren   Cobban, 
Author  of  '  The  Red  Sultan,'  etc.     Crown  8vo.     6s. 

G.   MANVILLE  FENN 

AN  ELECTRIC  SPARK.    By  G.  Manville  Fenn,  Author  of 
'  The  Vicar's  Wife,'  '  A  Double  Knot,'  etc     Crown  8vo.     6s. 

C.   PHILLIPS  WOOLLEY 
THE   QUEENSBERRY   CUP.      A   Tale   of  Adventure.      By 
Clive  Phillips  Woolley,  Author  of  '  Snap,'  Part  Author  of  '  Big 
Game  Shooting.'     Illustrated.     Crown  8vo.     6s. 
This  is  a  story  of  amateur  pugilism  and  chivalrous  adventure,  written  by  an  author 
whose  books  on  sport  are  well  known. 


Messrs.  Metiiuen's  Announcements         5 

H.   G.  WELLS 

THE  STOLEN  BACILLUS,  AND  OTHER  STORIES.  By 
H.  G.  Wells,  Author  of 'The  Time  Machine.'     Crown  Sv o.     6s. 

MARY  GAUNT 

THE  MOVING  FINGER:  chapters  from  the  Romance  of 
Australian  Life.  By  Mary  Gaunt,  Author  of  '  Dave's  Sweetheart.' 
Crown  &vo.     $s.  6J. 

ANGUS  EVAN  ABBOTT 

THE  GODS  GIVE  MY  DONKEY  WINGS.  By  ANGUS 
Evan  Abbott.     Crown  8z>o.     3*.  6d. 


Illustrated  Books 


S.  BARING  GOULD 

OLD  ENGLISH  FAIRY  TALES  collected  and  edited  by  S. 
Baring  Gould.  With  numerous  illustrations  by  F.  D.  Bedford. 
Crown  Svo,  6s. 

This  volume  consists  of  some  of  the  old   English  stories  which  have  been  lost  to 
sight,  and  they  are  fully  illustrated  by  Mr.  Bedford. 

A  BOOK  OF  NURSERY  SONGS  AND  RHYMES.  Edited 
by  S.  Baring  Gould,  and  illustrated  by  the  Students  of  the  Bir- 
mingham Art  School.  Crown  Svo.  6s. 
A  collection  of  old  nursery  songs  and  rhymes,  including  a  number  which  are  little 
known.  The  book  contains  some  charming  illustrations,  borders,  etc.,  by  the 
Birmingham  students  under  the  superintendence  of  Mr.  Gaskin,  and  Mr.  Baring 
Gould  has  added  numerous  notes.  This  book  and  the  next  have  been  printed  in 
a  special  heavy  type  by  Messrs.  Constable. 

H.  C.  BEECHING 

A  BOOK  OF  CHRISTMAS  VERSE.  Edited  by  H.  C. 
Beeching,   M.A.,  and  Illustrated   by  Walter   Crane.      Crown 

8vo.    ss- 
A  collection  of  the  best  verse  inspired  by  the  birth  of  Christ  from  the  Middle  Ages 
to  the  present  day.     Mr.  Walter  Crane  has  designed  several  illustrations,  and 
the  cover.     A  distinction  of  the  book  is  the  large  number  of  poems  it  contains 
by  modern  authors,  a  few  of  which  are  here  printed  for  the  first  time. 


6        Messrs.  Methuen's  Announcements 

JOHN  KEBLE 
THE  CHRISTIAN  YEAR.  By  JOHN  KEBLE.  With  an  Intro- 
duction and  Notes  by  W.  Lock,  M. A.,  Sub- Warden  of  Keble  College, 
Author  of  'The  Life  of  John  Keble.'  Illustrated  by  R.  Anning 
Bell.  Fcap.  Svo.  3s.  6d. 
A  new  edition  of  a  famous  book,  illustrated  and  printed  in  black  and  red, 
uniform  with  the  '  Imitation  of  Christ.' 

Theology  and  Philosophy 

E.  C.  GIBSON 
THE  XXXIX.  ARTICLES  OF  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENG- 
LAND. Edited  with  an  Introduction  by  E.  C.  Gibson,  M.A., 
Principal  of  Wells  Theological  College.  In  two  volumes.  Demy 
Svo.  Js.  6d.  each.  Vol.  I. 
This  is  the  first  volume  of  a  treatise  on  the  xxxix.  Articles,  and  contains  the  Intro- 
duction and  Articles  i.-xviii. 

R.  L.  OTTLEY 
THE  DOCTRINE  OF  THE  INCARNATION.  By  R.  L. 
Ottley,  M.A.,  late  fellow  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxon.  Principal 
of  Pusey  House.  In  two  volumes.  Demy  Svo. 
This  is  the  first  volume  of  a  book  intended  to  be  an  aid  in  the  study  of  the  doctrine 
of  the  Incarnation.  It  deals  with  the  leading  points  in  the  history  of  the  doctrine, 
its  content,  and  its  relation  to  other  truths  of  Christian  faith. 

F.  S.  GRANGER 

THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  ROMANS.     By  F.  S.  Granger, 

M.A.,    Litt.D.,    Professor   of    Philosophy    at    University    College, 

Nottingham.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 

The  author  has  attempted  to  delineate  that  group  of  beliefs  which  stood  in  close 
connection  with  the  Roman  religion,  and  among  the  subjects  treated  are  Dreams, 
Nature  Worship,  Roman  Magic,  Divination,  Holy  Places,  Victims,  etc.  Thus 
the  book  is,  apart  from  its  immediate  subject,  a  contribution  to  folk-lore  and 
comparative  psychology. 

L.  T.  HOBHOUSE 
THE  THEORY  OF  KNOWLEDGE.  By  L.  T.  HOBHOUSE, 
Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Corpus  College,  Oxford.  Demy  Svo.  21s. 
'The  Theory  of  Knowledge'  deals  with  some  of  the  fundamental  problems  of 
Metaphysics  and  Logic,  by  treating  them  in  connection  with  one  another. 
Part  i.  begins  with  the  elementary  conditions  of  knowledge  such  as  Sensation 
and  Memory,  and  passes  on  to  Judgment.  Part  ii.  deals  with  Inference  in 
general,  and  Induction  in  particular.  Part  hi.  deals  with  the  structural  concep- 
tions of  Knowledge,  such  as  Matter,  Substance,  and  Personality.  The  main 
purpose  of  the  book  is  constructive,  but  it  is  also  critical,  and  various  objections 
are  considered  and  met. 


Messrs.  Methuen's  Announcements        7 

W.   H.   FAIRBROTHER 

THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  T.  H.  GREEN.  By  W.  H.  Fair- 
brother,  M.A.,  Lecturer  at  Lincoln  College,  Oxford.  Crown  Svo. 
5* 

This  volume  is  expository,  not  critical,  and  is  intended  for  senior  students  at  the 
Universities,  and  others,  as  a  statement  of  Green's  teaching  and  an  introduction 
to  the  study  of  Idealist  Philosophy. 

F.  W.  BUSSELL 

THE  SCHOOL  OF  PLATO  :  its  Origin  and  Revival  under 
the  Roman  Empire.  By  F.  W.  Bussell,  M.A.,  Fellow  and  Tutor 
of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford.     In  two  volumes.    Demy  Svo.     Vol.  I. 

In  these  volumes  the  author  has  attempted  to  reach  the  central  doctrines  of  Ancient 
Philosophy,  or  the  place  of  man  in  created  things,  and  his  relation  to  the  outer 
world  of  Nature  or  Society,  and  to  the  Divine  Heing.  The  first  volume  com- 
prises a  survey  of  the  entire  period  of  a  thousand  years,  and  examines  the 
cardinal  notions  of  the  Hellenic,  Hellenistic,  and  Roman  ages  from  this  particular 
point  of  view. 

In  succeeding  divisions  the  works  of  Latin  and  Greek  writers  under  the  Empire 
will  be  more  closely  studied,  and  detailed  essays  will  discuss  their  various  systems, 
e.g.  Cicero,  Manilius,  Lucretius,  Seneca,  Aristides,  Appuleius,  and  the  New 
Platonists  of  Alexandria  and  Athens. 

C.  J.  SHEBBEARE 
THE    GREEK    THEORY    OF    THE    STATE    AND   THE 
NONCONFORMIST    CONSCIENCE:    a  Socialistic  Defence  of 
some  Ancient  Institutions.     By  Charles  John  Shebbeare,  B.A., 
Christ  Church,  Oxford.     Crown  Svo.    2s.  6d. 


History  and  Biography 

EDWARD  GIBBON 

THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL  OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE. 
By  Edward  Gibbon.  A  New  Edition,  edited  with  Notes, 
Appendices,  and  Maps  by  J.  B.  Bury,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Dublin.    In  Seven  Volumes.     Crown  Svo.    6s.  each.     Vol.  I. 

The  time  seems  to  have  arrived  for  a  new  edition  of  Gibbon's  great  work— furnished 
with  such  notes  and  appendices  as  may  bring  it  up  to  the  standard  of  recent  his- 
torical research.  Edited  by  a  scholar  who  has  made  this  period  his  special  study, 
and  issued  in  a  convenient  form  and  at  a  moderate  price,  this  edition  should  fill 
an  obvious  void.     The  volumes  will  be  issued  at  intervals  of  a  few  months. 


8         Messrs.  Methuen's  Announcements 

E.  L.   S.  HORSBURGH 

THE   CAMPAIGN   OF  WATERLOO.      By  E.  L.  S.   HORS- 

BURGH,  B.A.      With  Plans.     Crown  Svo.     $s. 

This  is  a  full  account  of  the  final  struggle  of  Napoleon,  and  contains  a  careful  study 
from  a  strategical  point  of  view  of  the  movements  of  the  French  and  allied  armies. 

FLINDERS  PETRIE 

EGYPTIAN    DECORATIVE   ART.      By  W.   M.  Flinders 
Petrie,  D.C.L.      With  120  Illustrations.     Crown  Svo.     3s.  6d. 
A  book  which  deals  with  a  subject  which  has  never  yet  been  seriously  treated. 

EGYPTIAN  TALES.     Translated  from  the  Papyri,  and  edited 
with  notes  by  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie,  LL.D.,  D.C.L.      Illus- 
trated by  Tristram  Ellis.     Part  II.     Crown  Svo.     3s.  6d. 
W.  H.   HUTTON 

THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  THOMAS  MORE.     By  W.  H.  HUTTON, 

M.A.,  Author  of  '  William  Laud.'    With  Portraits.    Crown  Svo.    $s- 

This  book  contains  the  result  of  some  research  and  a  considerable  amount  of  infor- 
mation not  contained  in  other  Lives.  It  also  contains  six  Portraits  after  Holbein 
of  More  and  his  relations. 

R.  F.  HORTON 
JOHN  HOWE.    By  R.  F.  HORTON,  D.D.,  Author  of 'The  Bible 
and  Inspiration,'  etc.      With  a  Portrait.     Crown  Svo.     y.  6d. 

[Leaders  of  Religion. 
F.  M'CUNN 
THE  LIFE  OF   JOHN    KNOX.    By  F.   M'Cunn.    With  a 
Portrait.     Crown  Svo.     3s.  6d.  [Leaders  of  Religion. 

General  Literature 

W.  B.  WORSFOLD 
SOUTH  AFRICA:  Its  History  and  its  Future.     By  W.  BASIL 
Worsfold,  M.A.      With  a  Map.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 
This  volume  contains  a  short  history  of  South  Africa,  and  a  full  account  of  its 
present  position,  and  of  its  extraordinary  capacities. 

J.  S.  SHEDLOCK 

THE  PIANOFORTE  SONATA  :  Its  Origin  and  Development. 

By  J.  S.  Shedlock.     Crown  Svo.     $s. 

This  is  a  practical  and  not  unduly  technical  account  of  the  Sonata  treated  histori- 
cally. It  contains  several  novel  features,  and  an  account  of  various  works  little 
known  to  the  English  public. 


Messrs.  Methuen's  Announcements         9 

F.   W.  THEOBALD 

INSECT    LIFE.     By  F.  W.  Theobald,   M.A.     Illustrated. 
Crown  Svo.     2s.  6d.  [  Univ.  Extension  Series. 

R.   F.  BOWMAKER 
THE   HOUSING   OF   THE  WORKING   CLASSES.     By  F. 
Bowmaker.     Crnm  Svo.     2s.  6d.  [Social  Questions  Series. 

W.   CUNNINGHAM 
MODERN    CIVILISATION    IN    SOME   OF  ITS   ECONO- 
MIC ASPECTS.     By  W.  Cunningham,  LL.D.,  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge.     Crown  Svo.     zs.  6d.     [Social  Questions  Series. 

M.   KAUFMANN. 
SOCIALISM  AND  MODERN  THOUGHT.      By   M.    Kaufmann, 
Crown  Svo.    2s.  6d.  [Social  Questions  Series. 

Classical  Translations 

NEW  VOLUMES 
Crown  Svo.     Finely  printed  and  bound  in  blue  buckram. 
SOPHOCLES— Electra  and  Ajax.      Translated  by  E.   D.   A. 
Morshead,  M.A.,  late  Scholar  of  New  College,  Oxford;  Assistant 
Master  at  Winchester.     2s.  6d. 

CICERO— De    Natura   Deorum.       Translated  by  F.   BROOKS, 
M.A.     3*.  6d. 

Educational 

A.  M.  M.  STEDMAN 
STEPS  TO  GREEK.      By  A.  M.  M.  Stedman,  M.A.      iSmo. 
is.  6d. 

A  very  easy  introduction  to  Greek,  with  Greek-English  and  English-Greek  Exercises. 
F.   D.  SWIFT 

DEMOSTHENES  AGAINST  CONON   AND    CALLICLES. 
Edited,  with  Notes,  Appendices,  and  Vocabulary,  by  F.  Darwin 
Swift,    M.A.,    formerly    Scholar    of    Queen's    College,    Oxford; 
Assistant  Master  at  Denstone  College.     leaf.  Svo.     2s. 
A  2 


A  LIST  OF 

Messrs.    Methuen's 

PUBLICATIONS 


Poetry 

Rudyard    Kipling.      BARRACK-ROOM     BALLADS;     And 

Other  Verses.     By  Rudyard  Kipling.     Eighth  Edition.      Crown 

8vo.     6s. 

A  Special  Presentation  Edition,  bound  in  white  buckram,  with 

extra  gilt  ornament.     "]s.  6d. 

'  Mr.  Kipling's  verse  is  strong,  vivid,  full  of  character.  .  .  .  Unmistakable  genius 
rings  in  every  line.' — Times. 

'The  disreputable  lingo  of  Cockayne  is  henceforth  justified  before  the  world  ;  for  a 
man  of  genius  has  taken  it  in  hand,  and  has  shown,  beyond  all  cavilling,  that  in 
its  way  it  ako  is  a  medium  for  literature.  You  are  grateful,  and  you  say  to 
yourself,  half  in  envy  and  half  in  admiration :  "  Here  is  a  book  ;  here,  or  one  is  a 
Dutchman,  is  one  of  the  books  of  the  year."  ' — National  Observer. 

'  "  Barrack-Room  Ballads "  contains  some  of  the  best  work  that  Mr.  Kipling  has 
ever  done,  which  is  saying  a  good  deal.  "  Fuzzy- Wuzzy,"  "  Gunga  Din,"  and 
"  Tommy,"  are,  in  our  opinion,  altogether  superior  to  anything  of  the  kind  that 
English  literature  has  hitherto  produced.' — Athen&um. 

'The  ballads  teem  with  imagination,  they  palpitate  with  emotion.  We  read  them 
with  laughter  and  tears ;  the  metres  throb  in  our  pulses,  the  cunningly  ordered 
words  tingle  with  life  ;  and  if  this  be  not  poetry,  what  is  ? ' — Pall  Mall  Gazette. 

Henley.  LYRA  HEROICA :  An  Anthology  selected  from  the 
best  English  Verse  of  the  16th,  17th,  18th,  and  19th  Centuries.  By 
William  Ernest  Henley.     CroivnSvo.     Buckram,  gilt  top.    6s. 

'  Mr.  Henley  has  brought  to  the  task  of  selection  an  instinct  alike  for  poetry  and  for 
chivalry  which  seems  to  us  quite  wonderfully,  and  even  unerringly,  right.' — 
Guardian. 


Messrs.  Methuen's  List  ii 

"Q"  THE  GOLDEN  POMP  :  A  Procession  of  English  Lyrics 
from  Surrey  to  Shirley,  arranged  by  A.  T.  Quiller  Couch.  Crown 
Svo.     Buckram.     6s. 

Also  40  copies  on  hand-made  paper.    Demy  Svo.     £1,  I s.  net. 
Also  15  copies  on  Japanese  paper.     Demy  Svo.    £2,  25.  net. 
'  A  delightful  volume  :  a  really  golden  "Pomp."' — Spectator. 

'  Of  the  many  anthologies  of  'old  rhyme'  recently  made,  Mr.  Couch's  seems  the 
richest  in  us  materials,  and  the  most  artistic  in  its  arrangement.      Mr.  C'< 
notes  are  admirable;  and  Messrs.  Methuen  are  to  be  congratulated  on  the  format 
of  the  sumptuous  volume.' — Realm. 

"  Q."    GREEN  BAYS  :  Verses  and  Parodies.     By  "  Q.,"  Author 
of  '  Dead  Man's  Rock,'  etc.     Second  Edition.     Fcap.  Svo.     35.  6d. 
'The  verses  display  a  rare  and  versatile  gift  of  parody,  great  command  of  metre,  and 
a  very  pretty  turn  of  humour.' — Times. 

H.  C.  Beeching.  LYRA  SACRA  :  An  Anthology  of  Sacred  Veise. 
Edited  by  H.  C.  Beeching,  M.A.  Crown  Svo.  Buckram,  gilt- 
top.     6s. 

'An  anthology  of  high  excellence.'— A  thcncrum. 

'  A  charming  selection,  which  maintains  a  lofty  standard  of  excellence.' — Times. 

Yeats.  AN  ANTHOLOGY  OF  IRISH  VERSE.  Edited  by 
W.  B.  Yeats.     Crown  Svo.     35.  6d. 

'  An  attractive  and  catholic  selection.' — Times. 

1  It  is  edited  by  the  most  original  and  most  accomplished  of  modern  Irish  poets,  and 
against  his  editing  but  a  single  objection  can  be  brought,  namely,  that  it  excludes 
from  the  collection  his  own  delicate  lyrics.' — Saturday  Review. 

Mackay.  A  SONG  OF  THE  SEA  :  My  Lady  of  Dreams, 
and  other  POEMS.  By  Eric  Mackay,  Author  of  '  The  Love 
Letters  of  a  Violinist.'     Second  Edition.     Fcap.  Svo,  gilt  top,  ^s. 

•Everywhere  Mr.  Mackay  displays  himself  the  master  of  a  style  marked  by  all  the 
characteristics  of  the  best  rhetoric.  He  has  a  keen  sense  of  rhythm  and  of  general 
balance  ;  his  verse  is  excellently  sonorous,  and  would  lend  itself  admirably  to 
elecutionary  art.  ...  Its  main  merit  is  its  "  long  resounding  march  and  energy 
divine."  Mr.  Mackay  is  full  of  enthusiasm,  and  for  the  right  things.  His  new 
book  is  as  healthful  as  it  is  eloquent.' — Globe. _ 

1  Throughout  the  book  the  poetic  workmanship  is  fine.' — Scotsman. 

Jane  Earlow.  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  FROGS  AND  MICE, 
translated  by  Jane  Barlow,  Author  of  'Irish  Idylls,'  and  pictured 
by  F.  D.  Bedford.     Small  4I0.     6s.  net. 

Ibsen.  BRAND.  A  Drama  by  Henrik  Ibsen.  Translated  by 
William  Wilson.     Crown  Svo.     Second  Edition.     35.  6d. 

•The  greatest  world-poem  of  the  nineteenth  century  next  to  "  Faust."  "Brand" 
will  have  an  astonishing  interest  for  Englishmen.  It  is  in  ihe  same  set  with 
"Agamemnon,"  with  "  Lear,"  with  the  literature  that  we  now  instinctively  rrgard 
as  high  and  holy.'— Daily  Chronicle. 


12  Messrs.  Methuen's  List 

"A.G."    VERSES  TO  ORDER.    By  "A.  G."    Cr.Zvo.    2s.6d. 
net. 
A  small  volume^  of  verse  by  a  writer  whose  initials  are  well  known  to  Oxford  men. 
1  A  capital  specimen  of  light  academic  poetry.     These  verses  are  very  bright  and 
engaging,  easy  and  sufficiently  witty.'— St.  James's  Gazette. 

Hosken.     VERSES    BY    THE   WAY.     By   J.   D.    Hosken. 

Crown  8vo.     $s. 

Gale.    CRICKET  SONGS.    By  Norman  Gale.    Crown  Zvo. 
Linen.     2s.  6d. 

Also  a  limited  edition  on  hand-made  paper.     Demy  8vo.     ios.  6d. 
net. 
'  As  healthy  as  they  are  spirited,  and  ought  to  have  a  great  success.' — Times. 
'  Simple,  manly,  and  humorous.    Every  cricketer  should  buy  the  book.' — Westminster 
Gazette.  '  Cricket  has  never  known  such  a  singer.' — Cricket. 

Langbridge.  BALLADS  OF  THE  BRAVE :  Poems  of  Chivalry, 
Enterprise,  Courage,  and  Constancy,  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  the 
Present  Day.  Edited,  with  Notes,  by  Rev.  F.  Langbridge. 
Crown  8vo.  Buckram  $s.  6d.  School  Edition,  is.  6d. 
'A  very  happy  conception  happily  carried  out.  These  "Ballads  of  the  Brave"  are 
intended  to  suit  the  real  tastes  of  boys,  and  will  suit  the  taste  of  the  great  majority. 
—Spectator.  '  The  book  is  full  of  splendid  things.'—  World- 


English  Classics 

Edited  by  W.  E.  Henley. 


Messrs. Methuen  are  publishing,  under  this  title,  a  series  of  the  masterpieces  of  the 
English  tongue,  which,  while  well  within  the  reach  of  the  average  buyer,  shall  be 
at  once  an  ornament  to  the  shelf  of  him  that  owns,  and  a  delight  to  the  eye  of 
him  that  reads. 

The  series,  of  which  Mr.  William  Ernest  Henley  is  the  general  editor,  will  confine 
itself  to  no  single  period  or  department  of  literature.  Poetry,  fiction,  drama, 
biography,  autobiography,  letters,  essays — in  all  these  fields  is  the  material  of 
many  goodly  volumes. 

The  books,  which  are  designed  and  printed  by  Messrs.  Constable,  are  issued  in  two 
editions — (1)  A  small  edition,  on  the  finest  Japanese  vellum,  demy  8vo,  i\s.  a 
volume  net ;  (2)  the  popular  edition  on  laid  paper,  crown  8vo,  buckram,  -$s.  6d.  a 
volume. 

THE  LIFE  AND    OPINIONS  OF  TRISTRAM    SHANDY. 

By  Lawrence    Sterne.       With  an   Introduction   by    Charles 

Whibley,  and  a  Portrait.     2  vols.     *]s. 
60  copies  on  Japanese  paper.     42s.  net. 
'  Very  dainty  volumes  are  these  ;  the  paper,  type  and  light  green  binding  are  all 

very_  agreeable  to  the  eye.      "Simplex  munditiis  "  is  the  phrase  that  might  be 

applied  to  them.     So  far  as  we  know,  Sterne's  famous  work  has  never  appeared  in 

a  guise  more  attractive  to  the  connoisseur  than  this.' — Globe. 
' The  bookis  excellently  printed  by  Messrs.  Constable  on  good  paper,  and  being 

divided  into  two  volumes,  is  light  and  handy  without  lacking  the  dignity  of  a 

classic' — Manchester  Guardian. 


Messrs.  Methuen's  List  13 

'This  new  edition  of  a  great  classic  might  make  an  honourable  appearance  in  any 
library  in  the  world.  Printed  by  Constable  on  laid  paper,  bound  in  most  artistic 
and  restful-lookins  fi^-green  buckram,  with  a  frontispiece  portrait  and  an  introduc- 
tion by  Mr.  Charles  Whibley,  the  book  might  well  be  issued  at  three  times  its 
present  price.' — Irish  Independent. 

'Cheap  and  comely;  a  very  agreeable  edition.'— Saturday  Rn'iew. 

'  A  real  acquisition  to  the  library.'—  Birmingham  Post. 

THE  COMEDIES  OF  WILLIAM  CONGREVE.  With 
an  Introduction  by  G.  S.  Street,  and  a  Portrait.  2  vols.  Ts. 
25  copies  on  Japanese  paper.     42^.  net. 

'The  comedies  are  reprinted  in  a  good  text  and  on  a  page  delightful  to  look  upon. 
The  pieces  are  rich  reading.' — Scotsman. 

•So  long  as  literature  thrives,  Congreve  must  be  read  with  growing  zest,  in  virtue  of 
qualities  which  were  always  rare,  and  which  were  never  rarer  than  at  this  moment. 
All  that  is  best  and  most  representative  of  Congreve's  genius  is  included  in  this 
latest  edition,  wherein  for  the  first  time  the  chaotic  punctuation  of  its  forerunners 
is  reduced  to  order— a  necessary,  thankless  task  on  which  .Mr.  Street  has  mani- 
festly spent  much  pains.  Of  his  introduction  it  remains  to  say  that  it  is  an  ex- 
cellent appreciation,  notable  for  catholicity,  discretion,  and  finesse  :  an  admirable 
piece  of  work.' — Pall  Mall  Gazette. 

'Two  volumes  of  marvellous  cheapness.' — Dublin  Herald. 

THE  ADVENTURES  OF  HAJJI  BABA  OF  ISPAHAN. 
By  James  Morier.  With  an  Introduction  by  E.  G.  Browne,  M.A. 
and  a  Portrait.     2  vols.     "js. 

25  copies  on  Japanese  paper.     21s.  net. 


History- 


Flinders   Petrie.     A    HISTORY    OF    EGYPT,    from    the 
Earliest  Times  to  the  Hyksos.     By  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie, 
D.  C.  L. ,  Professor  of  Egyptology  at  University  College.     Fully  Illus- 
trated.    Second  Edition.     Crown  8vo.     6s. 
'An  important  contribution  to  scientific  study.'— Scotsman. 

'  A  history  written  in  the  spirit  of  scientific  precision  so  worthily  represented  by  Dr. 
Petrie  and  his  school  cannot  but  promote  sound  and  accurate  study,  and  supply  a 
vacant  place  in  the  English  literature  of  Egyptology.'—  Times. 

Flinders  Petrie.      EGYPTIAN   TALES.      Edited  by  W.  M. 

Flinders  Petrie.     Illustrated  by  Tristram  Ellis.     Crown  8vo. 

In  two  volumes.     35.  6d.  each. 
'A  valuable  addition  to  the  literature  of  comparative  folk-lore.     '1  he  drawings  aie 

really  illustrations  in  the  literal  sense  of  the  word.'—  Globe. 
'  It  hai  a  scientific  value  to  the  student  of  history  and  archaeology.'—  Scotsman. 
'Invaluable  as  a  picture  of  life  in   Palestine  and  Egypt.'-  Daily  News. 


14  Messrs.  Methuen's  List 

Clark.  THE  COLLEGES  OF  OXFORD  :  Their  History  and 
their  Traditions.  By  Members  of  the  University.  Edited  by  A. 
Clark,  M.A.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Lincoln  College.    8vo.    12s.  6d. 

'  A  delightful  book,  learned  and  lively." — Academy. 

'A  work  which  will  certainly  be  appealed  to  for  many  years  as  the  standard  book  on 
the  Colleges  of  Oxford.' — Athenaum. 

Perrens.  THE  HISTORY  OF  FLORENCE  FROM  THE 
TIME  OF  THE  MEDICIS  TO  THE  FALL  OF  THE 
REPUBLIC.  By  F.  T.  Perrens.  Translated  by  Hannah 
Lynch.     In  Three  Volumes.      Vol.  I.     8vo.     12s.  6d. 

'  This  is  a  standard  book  by  an  honest  and  intelligent  historian,  who  has  deserved 
well  of  all  who  are  interested  in  Italian  history.' — Manchester  Guardian. 

George.  BATTLES  OF  ENGLISH  HISTORY.  By  H.  B. 
George,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  New  College,  Oxford.  With  numerous 
Plans.     Second  Edition.     Crown  8vo.     6s. 

'  Mr.  George  has  undertaken  a  very  useful  task — that  of  making  military  affairs  in- 
telligible and  instructive  to  non-military  readers — and  has  executed  it  with  laud- 
able intelligence  and  industry,  and  with  a  large  measure  of  success.' — Times. 

'This  book  is  almost  a  revelation  ;  and  we  heartily  congratulate  the  author  on  his 
work  and  on  the  prospect  of  the  reward  he  has  well  deserved  for  so  much  con- 
scientious and  sustained  labour.' — Daily  Chronicle. 

Browning.  GUELPHSAND  GHIBELLINES:  A  Short  History 
of  Mediaeval  Italy,  a.d.  1250-1409.  By  Oscar  Browning,  Fellow 
and  Tutor  of  King's  College,  Cambridge.  Second  Edition.  Crown 
8vo.     55. 

'A  very  able  book.' — Westminster  Gazette. 

'A  vivid  picture  of  mediaeval  Italy.' — Standard. 

Browning.     THE  AGE  OF  THE  CONDOTTIERI  :  A  Short 
Story  of  Italy  from  1409  to   1530.     By  Oscar  Browning,  M.A., 
Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge.     Crozvn  %vo.     $s. 
This  book  is  a  continuation  of  Mr.  Browning's   'Guelphs  and  Ghibellines,' and  the 

two  works  form  a  complete  account  of  Italian  history  from  1250  to  1530. 
'Mr.   Browning  is  to  be  congratulated  on  the  production  of  a  work  of  imn.eiise 
labour  and  learning.' — Westminster  Gazette. 

O'Grady.  THE  STORY  OF  IRELAND.  By  Standish 
O'Grady,  Author  of  '  Finn  and  his  Companions.'     Cr.  8vo.     2s.  6d. 

'  Novel  and  very  fascinating  history.     Wonderfully  alluring.' — Cork  Examiner. 

'Most  delightful,  most  stimulating.  Its  racy  humour,  its  original  imaginings, 
make  it  one  of  the  freshest,  breeziest  volumes.' — Methodist  Times. 

'A  survey  at  once  graphic,  acute,  and  quaintly  written.' — Times. 

Maiden.      ENGLISH    RECORDS.      A    Companion    to    the 
History  of  England.     ByH.  E.  Malden,  M.A.    Crown  Svo.    $s.  6d. 
A  book  which  concentrates  information  upon   dates,   genealogy,  officials,  constitu- 
tional documents,  etc.,  which  is  usually  found  scattered  in  different  volumes. 


Messrs.  Methuen's  List  15 


Biography 


Collingrwood.    THE   LIFE  OF  JOHN  RUSKIN.     By\Y.(;. 

Collingwood,    M.A.,    Editor    of    Mr.     Rutin's    Poems.      With 

numerous  Portraits,  and  13  Drawings  by  Mr.  Ruskin.     2  vols.     Svo. 

32.J.     Second  Edition. 
'  No  more  magnificent  volumes  have  been  published  for  a  long  time.  .  .  .' — Times. 
1  It  is  long  since  we  have  had  a  biography  with  such  delights  of  substance  and  of 

form.      Such  a  book  is  a  pleasure   for   the  day,  and   a  joy    for   ever.' — Daily 

Chronicle. 
'A  noble  monument  of  a  noble  subject.     One  of  the  most  beautiful  books  about  oue 

of  the  noblest  lives  of  our  century.' — Glasgow  Herald. 

Waldstein.    JOHN  RUSKIN  :  a  Study.    By  Charles  Wald- 
STEIN,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge.     With  a  Photo- 
gravure Portrait  after  Professor  Herkomer.     Post  8vo.     $s. 
Also  25  copies  on  Japanese  paper.     Demy  Svo.     21s.  net. 

'A  thoughtful,  impartial,  well-written  criticism  of  Kuskin's  teaching,  intended  to 
separate  what  the  author  regards  as  valuable  and  permanent  from  what  is  transient 
and  erroneous  in  the  great  master's  writing.' — Daily  Chronicle. 

Kaufmann.      CHARLES    KINGSLEY.     By  M.   Kaufmann, 
M.A.      Crown  Svo.     Buckram.     $s. 
A  biography  of  Kingsley,  especially  dealing  with  his  achievements  in  social  reform. 
'  The  author  has  certainly  gone  about  his  work  with  conscientiousness  and  industry.' — 
Slieffield  Daily  Telegraph. 

Robbins.  THE  EARLY  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  EWART 
GLADSTONE.  By  A.  F.  Robbins.  With  Portraits.  Crown 
Svo.     6s. 

'  Considerable  labour  and  much  skill   of  presentation  have  not  been   unworthily 

expended  on  this  interesting  work.' — Times. 
'  Not  only  one  of  the  most  meritorious,  but  one  of  the  most  interesting,  biographical 
works  that  have  appeared  on  the  subject  of  the  ex-Premier.  ...  It  furnishes  a 
picture  from  many  points  original  and  striking  ;  it  makes  additions  of  value  to  the 
evidence  on  which  we  are  entitled  to  estimate  a  great  public  character  ;  and  it 
gives  the  reader's  judgment  exactly  that  degree  of  guidance  which  is  the  function 
of  a  calm,  restrained,  and  judicious  historian.' — Birmingliam  Daily  Post. 

Clark  Russell.      THE  LIFE   OF   ADMIRAL   LORD    COL- 
LINGWOOD.     By  W.  Clark  Russell,  Author  of  « The  Wreck 
of  the  Grosvenor.'     With  Illustrations  by  F.  Brangwyn.      Second 
Edition.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 
'A  really  good  book.' — Saturday  Review. 

'A  most  excellent  and  wholesome  book,  which  we  should  like  to  sec  iu  ihe  bands  of 
tvery  boy  in  the  country." — St.  James's  Catette. 


16  Messrs.  Methuen's  List 

Southey.  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  (Howard,  Clifford,  Hawkins, 
Drake,  Cavendish).  By  Robert  Southey.  Edited,  with  an 
Introduction,  by  David  Hannay.  Crown  %vo.  6s. 
This  is  a  reprint  of  some  excellent  biographies  of  Elizabethan  seamen,  written  by 
Southey  and  never  republished.  They  are  practically  unknown,  and  they  de- 
serve, and  will  probably  obtain,  a  wide  popularity. 

General  Literature 

Gladstone.  THE  SPEECHES  AND  PUBLIC  ADDRESSES 
OF  THE  RT.  HON.  W.  E.  GLADSTONE,  M.P.  With  Notes 
and  Introductions.  Edited  by  A.  W.  Hutton,  M.A.  (Librarian  of 
the  Gladstone  Library),  and  H.  J.  Cohen,  M.A.  With  Portraits. 
8vo.      Vols.  IX.  and  X.     12s.  6d.  each. 

Henley  and  Whibley.     A  BOOK  OF  ENGLISH   PROSE. 
Collected  by  W.  E.  Henley  and  Charles  Whibley.    Cr.  8vo.   6s. 
Also  40  copies  on  Dutch  paper.     21s.  net. 
Also  15  copies  on  Japanese  paper.     42^.  net. 
'A  unique  volume  of  extracts— an  art  gallery  of  early  prose.'— Birmingham  Post. 
'  An  admirable  companion  to  Mr.  Henley's  "  Lyra  Heroica.'"— Saturday  Review. 
'  Quite  delightful.     The  choice  made  has  been  excellent,  and  the  volume  has  been 
most  admirably  printed  by  Messrs.  Constable.     A  greater  treat  for  those  not  well 
acquainted  with  pre-Restoration  prose  could  not  be  imagined.'— A tkenaum. 

Wells.  OXFORD  AND  OXFORD  LIFE.  By  Members  of 
the  University.  Edited  by  J.  Wells,  M.A.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of 
Wadham  College.  Crown  8zv.  35.  6d. 
This  work  contains  an  account  of  life  at  Oxford— intellectual,  social,  and  religious— 
a  careful  estimate  of  necessary  expenses,  a  review  of  recent  changes,  a  statement 
of  the  present  position  of  the  University,  and  chapters  on  Women's  Education, 
aids  to  study,  and  University  Extension. 
'We  congratulate  Mr.  Wells  on  the  production  of  a  readable  and  intelligent  account 
of  Oxford  as  it  is  at  the  present  time,  written  by  persons  who  are  possessed  of  a 
close  acquaintance  with  the  system  and  life  of  the  University.'— Athentzum. 

Ouida.  VIEWS  AND  OPINIONS.   By  Ouida.  Crown  Zvo.  6s. 

'Her  views  are  always  well  marked  and  forcibly  expressed,  so  that  even  when  you 
most  strongly  differ  from  the  writer  you  can  always  recognise  and  acknowledge 
her  ability.' — Globe. 

1  Ouida  is  outspoken,  and  the  reader  of  this  book  will  not  have  a  dull  moment.  The 
book  is  full  of  variety,  and  sparkles  with  entertaining  matter.'— Speaker. 

Bowden.  THE  EXAMPLE  OF  BUDDHA:  Being  Quota- 
tions from  Buddhist  Literature  for  each  Day  in  the  Year.  Compiled 
by  E.  M.  Bowden.  With  Preface  by  Sir  Edwin  Arnold.  Third 
Edition,     \6tno.     2s.  6d. 


Messrs.  Methuen's  List  17 

Bushill.  PROFIT  SHARING  AND  THE  LABOUR  QUES- 
TION. By  T.  W.  BUSHILL,  a  Profit  Sharing  Employer.  With  an 
Introduction  by  Sedley  Taylor,  Author  of  '  Profit  Sharing  between 
Capital  and  Labour.'     Crown  Svo.     2s.  6J. 

Maiden.  THE  ENGLISH  CITIZEN :  His  Rights  and 
Duties.    By  H.  E.  Malden,  M.A.     Crown  Svo.     is.  6J. 

A  simple  account  of  the  privileges  and  duties  of  the  English  citizen. 

John  Beever.      PRACTICAL    FLY-FISHING,    Founded   on 
Nature,  by  John  Beever,  late  of  the  Thwaite  House,  Coniston.     A 
New  Edition,  with  a  Memoir  of  the  Author  by  W.  G.  Collingwood, 
M.A.     Crown  Svo.     %s.  6d. 
A  little  book  on  Fly-Fishing  by  an  old  friend  of  Mr.  Ruskin. 

Science 

Freudenreich.  DAIRY  BACTERIOLOGY.  A  Short  Manual 
for  the  Use  of  Students  in  Dairy  Schools,  Cheesemakers,  and 
Farmers.  By  Dr.  Ed.  von  Freudenreich.  Translated  from  the 
German  by  J.  R.  Ainsworth  Davis,  B.A.  (Camb.),  F.C.P.,  Pro- 
fessor of  Biology  and  Geology  at  University  College,  Aberystwyth. 
Crown  Svo.     2s.  6d. 

Chalmers    Mitchell.      OUTLINES   OF  BIOLOGY.     By   P. 

Chalmers  Mitchell,    M.A.,  F.Z.S.     Fully  Illustrated.     Crown 

Svo.     6s. 
A  text-book  designed  to  cover  the  new   Schedule   issued   by  the  Royal  College  of 
Physicians  and  Surgeons. 

Massee.    A  MONOGRAPH  OF  THE  MYXOGASTRES.    By 

George  Massee.     With  12  Coloured  Plates.     Royal  Svo.     \Ss.net. 
'A  work  much  in  advance  of  any  book  in  the  language  treating  of  this  group  of 
organisms.      It   is  indispensable   to  every   student   of  the    Myxogastres.      The 
coloured  plates  deserve  high  praise  for  their  accuracy  and  execution.'—  Nature. 


Theology 


Driver.     SERMONS  ON  SUBJECTS  CONNECTED  WITH 
THE  OLD  TESTAMENT.     ByS.  R.  Driver,  D.D.,  Canon  of 

Christ  Church,    Regius  Professor  of  Hebrew   in   the    University  of 

Oxford.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 
A  welcome  companion  to  the  author's  famous  '  Introduction.'   No  man  can  read  these 
discourses  without  feeling  that  Dr.  Driver  is  fully  alive  to  th<  iiinjrof 

the  Old  Testament.' — Guardian. 


18  Messrs.  Methuen's  List 

Cheyne.  FOUNDERS  OF  OLD  TESTAMENT  CRITICISM  : 
Biographical,  Descriptive,  and  Critical  Studies.  By  T.  K.  Cheyne, 
D.D.,  Oriel  Professor  of  the  Interpretation  of  Holy  Scripture  at 
Oxford.     Large  crown  Zvo.     Js.  6d. 

This  important  book  is  a  historical  sketch  of  O.  T.  Criticism  in  the  form  of  biographi- 
cal studies  from  the  days  of  Eichhorn  to  those  of  Driver  ajid  Robertson  Smith. 
It  is  the  only  book  of  its  kind  in  English. 

'A  very  learned  and  instructive  work.' — Times. 

Prior.  CAMBRIDGE  SERMONS.  Edited  by  H.  C.  Prior, 
M.A.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Pembroke  College.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 

A  volume  of  sermons  preached  before  the  University  of  Cambridge  by  various 
preachers,  including  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  Bishop  Westcott. 

'A  representative  collection.     Bishop  Westcott's  is  a  noble  sermon.' — Guardian. 

'  Full  of  thoughtfulness  and  dignity.' — Record, 

Beeching.      SERMONS    TO    SCHOOLBOYS.      By  H.     C. 

Beeching,  M.A.,  Rector  of  Yattendon,  Berks.     With  a  Preface  by 
Canon  Scott  Holland.     Crown  Svo.     2s.  6d. 
Seven  sermons  preached  before  the  boys  of  Bradfield  College. 

Layard.  RELIGION  IN  BOYHOOD.  Notes  on  the  Reli- 
gious Training  of  Boys.  With  a  Preface  by  J.  R.  Illingworth. 
By  E.  B.  Layard,  M.A.     iSmo.     is. 


HDetjotional  25oofe& 

With  Full-page  Illustrations. 

THE  IMITATION  OF  CHRIST.  By  Thomas  A  Kempis. 
With  an  Introduction  by  Archdeacon  Farrar.  Illustrated  by 
C.  M.  Gere,  and  printed  in  black  and  red.     Fcap.  8vo.     35.  6d. 

'  We  must  draw  attention  to  the  antique  style,  quaintness,  and  typographical  excel- 
lence of  the  work,  its  red-letter  "  initials"  and  black  letter  type,  and  old-fashioned 
paragraphic  arrangement  of  pages.  The  antique  paper,  uncut  edges,  and  illustra- 
tions are  in  accord  with  the  other  features  of  this  unique  little  work.' — Newsagent. 

'Amongst  all  the  innumerable  English  editions  of  the  '' Imitation,"  there  can  have 
been  few  which  were  prettier  than  this  one,  printed  in  strong  and  handsome  type 
by  Messrs.  Constable,  with  all  the  glory  of  red  initials,  and  the  comfort  of  buckram 
binding.' — Glasgow  Herald. 

THE  CHRISTIAN  YEAR.  By  John  Keble.  With  an  Intro- 
duction and  Notes  by  W.  Lock,  M.A.,  Sub- Warden  of  Keble 
College,  Author  of  'The  Life  of  John  Keble.'  Illustrated  by  R. 
Anning  Bell.     Fcap.  Svo.     $s.  [October. 


Messrs.  Methuen's  List  19 


3/6 


Leaders  of  Religion 

Edited  by  H.  C.  BEECHING,  M.A.      With  Portraits,  crown  Svo. 

A  series  of  short  biographies  of  the  most  prominent  leaders 
of  religious  life  and  thought  of  all  ages  and  countries. 

The  following  are  ready — 
CARDINAL  NEWMAN.     By  R.  H.  Hutton. 
JOHN  WESLEY.    By  J.  H.  Overton,  M.A. 
BISHOP  WILBERFORCE.     By  G.  W.  Daniel,  M.A. 
CARDINAL  MANNING.     By  A.  W.  Hutton,  M.A. 
CHARLES  SIMEON.     By  H.  C.  G.  Moule,  M.A. 
JOHN  KEBLE.    By  Walter  Lock,  M.A. 
THOMAS  CHALMERS.     By  Mrs.  Oliphant. 
LANCELOT  ANDREWES.     By  R.  L.  Ottley,  M.A. 
AUGUSTINE  OF  CANTERBURY.     By  E.  L.  Cutts,  D.D. 
WILLIAM  LAUD.    By  W.  H.  Hutton,  M.A. 

Other  volumes  will  be  announced  in  due  course. 


Works  by  S.  Baring  Gould 

OLD  COUNTRY  LIFE.  With  Sixty-seven  Illustrations  by 
W.  Farkinson,  F.  D.  Bedford,  and  F.  Masey.  Large  Crown 
Svo,  cloth  super  extra,  top  edge  gilt,  los.  6d.  Fifth  and  Cheaper 
Edition,     6s. 

'  "  Old  Country  Life,"  as  healthy  wholesome  reading,  full  of  breezy  life  and  move- 
ment, lull  of  quaint  stories  vigorously  told,  will  not  be  excelled  by  any  book  to  be 
published  throughout  the  year.    Sound,  hearty,  and  English  to  the  core.' — World. 

HISTORIC  ODDITIES  AND  STRANGE  EVENTS.     Third 
Edition.     Crown  Svo.    6s. 
'  A  collection  of  exciting  and  entertaining  chapters.     The  whole  volume  is  delightful 
reading.' — Times. 

FREAKS  OF  FANATICISM.    Third  Edition.   Crown  Svo.  6s. 

'Mr.  Baring  Gould  has  a  keen  eye  for  colour  and  effect,  and  the  subjects  he  has 
chosen  give  ample  scope  to  his  descriptive  and  analytic  faculties.     A  | 
fascinating  book.' — Scottish  Leader. 

A  GARLAND  OF  COUNTRY  SONG :  English  Folk  Songs 
with  their  traditional  melodies.  Collected  and  arranged  by  S. 
Baring  Gould  and  II.  Fleetwood  Sheppard.     Demy  <\to.     6.f. 


20  Messrs.  Methuen's  List 

SONGS  OF  THE  WEST :  Traditional  Ballads  and  Songs  of 
the  West  of  England,  with  their  Traditional  Melodies.  Collected 
by  S.  Baring  Gould,  M.A.,  and  H.  Fleetwood  Sheppard, 
M.A.  Arranged  for  Voice  and  Piano.  In  4  Parts  (containing  25 
Songs  each),  Parts  I.,  II.,  III.,  35.  each.  Part  IV.,  $s.  In  one 
Vol.,  French  morocco,  i$s. 
'A  rich  collection  of  humour,  pathos,  grace,  and  poetic  fancy.' — Saturday  Review. 

A  BOOK  OF  FAIRY  TALES  retold  by  S.  Baring  Gould. 
With  numerous  illustrations  and  initial  letters  by  Arthur  J.  Gaskin. 
Crown  Svo.  Buckram.  6s. 
'Mr.  Baring  Gould  has  done  a  good  deed,  and  is  deserving  of  gratitude,  in  re-writing 
in  honest,  simple  style  the  old  stories  that  delighted  the  childhood  of  "  our  fathers 
and  grandfathers."  We  do  not  think  he  has  omitted  any  of  our  favourite  stories, 
the  stories  that  are  commonly  regarded  as  merely  "  old  fashioned."  As  to  the  form 
of  the  book,  and  the  printing,  which  is  by  Messrs.  Constable,  it  were  difficult  to 
commend  overmuch.' — Saturday  Review. 

YORKSHIRE     ODDITIES     AND     STRANGE     EVENTS 

Fourth  Edition.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 
STRANGE    SURVIVALS   AND    SUPERSTITIONS.     With 

Illustrations.    By  S.  Baring  Gould.     Crown  Svo.     Second  Edition. 

6s. 

'  We  have  read  Mr.  Baring  Gould's  book  from  beginning  to  end.  It  is  full  of  quaint 
and  various  information,  and  there  is  not  a  dull  page  in  it.' — Notes  and  Queries. 

THE   TRAGEDY   OF   THE   CAESARS:   The 

Emperors  of  the  Julian  and  Claudian  Lines.     With  numerous  Illus- 
trations from  Busts,  Gems,  Cameos,  etc.     By  S.  Baring  Gould, 
Author  of  '  Mehalah,' etc.      Third  Edition.     Royal  Svo.     i$s. 
'  A  most  splendid  and  fascinating  book  on  a  subject  of  undying  interest.     The  great 
feature  of  the  book  is  the  use  the  author  has  made  of  the  existing  portraits  of  the 
Caesars,  and  the  admirable  critical  subtlety  he  has  exhibited  in  dealing  with  this 
line  of  research.     It  is  brilliantly  written,  and  the  illustrations  are  supplied  on  a 
scale  of  profuse  magnificence.' — Daily  Chronicle. 
'  The  volumes  will  in  no  sense  disappoint  the  general  reader.     Indeed,  in  their  way, 
there  is  nothing  in  any  sense  so  good  in  English.  .  .  .   Mr.  Baring  Gould  has 
presented  his  narrative  in  such  a  way  as  not  to  make  one  dull  page.' — Athetuetun. 

THE  DESERTS  OF  SOUTHERN  FRANCE.  By  S.  Baring 
Gould.  With  numerous  Illustrations  by  F.  D.  Bedford,  S. 
Hutton,  etc.     2  vols.     Demy  Svo.     325. 

This  book  is  the  first  serious  attempt  to  describe  the  great  barren  tableland  that 
extends  to  the  south  of  Limousin  in  the  Department  of  Aveyron,  Lot,  etc.,  a 
country  of  dolomite  cliffs,  and  canons,  and  subterranean  rivers.  The  region  is 
full  of  prehistoric  and  historic  interest,  relics  of  cave-dwellers,  of  mediaeval 
robbers,  and  of  the  English  domination  and  the  Hundred  Years'  War. 

'His  two  richly-illustrated  volumes  are  full  of  matter  of  interest  to  the  geologist, 
the  archaeologist,  and  the  student  of  history  and  manners.' — Scotsman. 

•  It  deals  with  its  subject  in  a  manner  which  rarely  fails  to  arrest  attention.' — Times. 


Messrs.  Methuen's  List  21 

Fiction 

8IX     SHILLING     NOVELS 

Marie  Corelli.   BARABBAS  :  A  DREAM  OF  THE  WORLD'S 

TRAGEDY.     By  Marie  Corelli,  Author  of  '  A  Romance  of  Two 

Worlds,'  '  Vendetta,'  etc.     Seventeenth  Edition.     Crown  Sz'o.     6s. 

'  The  tender  reverence  of  the  treatment  and  the  imaginative  beauty  of  the  writing 
have  reconciled  us  to  the  daring  of  the  conception,  and  the  conviction  is  forced  on 
us  that  even  so  exalted  a  subject  cannot  be  made  too  familiar  to  us,  provided  it  be 
presented  in  the  true  spirit  of  Christian  faith.  The  amplifications  of  the  Scripture 
narrative  are  often  conceived  with  high  poetic  insight,  and  this  "  Dream  ot  the 
World's  Tragedy  "  is,  despite  some  trifling  incongruities,  a  lofty  and  not  inade- 
quate paraphrase  of  the  supreme  climax  of  the  inspired  narrative.' — Dublin 
Review, 

Anthony  Hope.  THE  GOD  IN  THE  CAR.  By  Anthony 
Hoi'E,  Author  of  '  A  Change  of  Air,'  etc.  Sixth  Edition.  Crown 
8vo.  6s. 
'  Ruston  is  drawn  with  extraordinary  skill,  and  Maggie  Dennison  with  many  subtle 
strokes.  The  minor  characters  are  clear  cut.  In  short  the  book  is  a  brilliant  one. 
"The  God  in  the  Car"  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  works  in  a  year  that  has 
given  us  the  handiwork  of  nearly  all  our  best  living  novelists.' — Standard. 

'  A  very  remarkable  book,  deserving  of  critical  analysis  impossible  within  our  limit  ; 
brilliant,  but  not  superficial  ;  well  considered,  but  not  elaborated  ;  constructed 
with  the  proverbial  art  that  conceals,  but  yet  allows  itself  to  be  enjoyed  by  readers 
to  whom  fine  literary  method  is  a  keen  pleasure;  true  without  cynicism,  subtle 
without  affectation,  humorous  without  strain,  witty  without  offence,  inevitably 
sad,  with  an  unmorose  simplicity.'—  The  World. 

Anthony  Hope.    A  CHANGE  OF  AIR.    By  Anthony  Hope, 
Author  of  '  The  Prisoner  of  Zenda,'  etc.      Second  Edition.      Crown 
%vo.     6s. 
'A  graceful,  vivacious  comedy,  true  to  human  nature.     The  characters  are  traced 
with  a  masterly  hand.' — Times. 

Anthony  Hope.    A  MAN  OF  MARK.     By  Anthony  Hope, 
Author  of  'The  Prisoner  of  Zenda,'  'The  God  in  the  Car,'  etc. 
Second  Edition.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 
'A  bright,  entertaining,  unusually  able  book,  quite  worthy  of  its  brilliant  author.'— 

Queen. 
'  Of  all  Mr.  Hope's  books,   "  A  Man  of  Mark  "  is  the  one  which  best  compares  with 
"  The  Prisoner  of  Zenda."    The  two  romances  are  unmistakably  the  work  of  the 
same  writer,  and  he  possesses  a  style  of  narrative  peculiarly  seductive,  piquant, 
comprehensive,  and— his  own.' — National  Observer. 

Conan  Doyle.  ROUND  THE  RED  LAMP.  By  A.  Conan 
Doyle,  Author  of  'The  White  Company,'  'The  Adventures  of 
Sherlock  Holmes,' etc.  Fourth  Edition.  Crown  &vo.  6s. 
'The  book  is,  indeed,  composed  of  leaves  from  life,  and  is  far  ami  away  the  best  view 
that  has  been  vouchsafed  us  behind  the  icetN  a  of  the  consulting-room.  It  is  very 
superior  to  "  The  Diary  of  a  late  Physician."  '—Illustrated  London  IVni's. 


22  Messrs.  Methuen's  List 

'Dr.  Doyle  wields  a  cunning  pen,  as  all  the  world  now  knows.  His  deft  touch  is 
seen  to  perfection  in  these  short  sketches — these  "facts  and  fancies  of  medical 
life,"  as  he  calls  them.  Every  page  reveals  the  literary  artist,  the  keen  observer, 
the  trained  delineator  of  human  nature,  its  weal  and  its  woe.' — Freeman 's  Journal. 

'These  tales  are  skilful,  attractive,  and  eminently  suited  to  give  relief  to  the  mind 
of  a  reader  in  quest  of  distraction.' — Athenaum. 

Stanley  Weyman.  UNDER  THE  RED  ROBE.  By  Stanley 
Weyman,  Author  of  '  A  Gentleman  of  France.'  With  Twelve  Illus- 
trations by  R.  Caton  Woodville.  Seventh  Edition.  Crown  Svo.  6s. 
A  cheaper  edition  of  a  book  which  won  instant  popularity.  No  unfavourable  review 
occurred,  and  most  critics  spoke  in  terms  of  enthusiastic  admiration.  The  '  West- 
minster Gazette  '  called  it  '  a  book  of  which  we  have  read  every  word  for  the  sheer 
pleasure  of  reading,  and  which  we  put  down  with  a  pang  that  we  cannot  forget 
it  all  and  start  again.'  The  '  Daily  Chronicle'  said  that  '  every  one  who  reads 
books  at  all  must  read  this  thrilling  romance,  from  the  first  page  of  which  to  the 
last  the  breathless  reader  is  haled  along.'  It  also  called  the  book  '  an  inspiration 
of  manliness  and  courage.'  The  '  Globe  '  called  it  '  a  delightful  tale  of  chivalry 
and  adventure,  vivid  and  dramatic,  with  a  wholesome  modesty  and  reverence 
for  the  highest.' 

Emily  Lawless.  MAELCHO  :  a  Sixteenth  Century  Romance. 
By  the  Hon.  Emily  Lawless,  Author  of  '  Grania,'  '  Hurrish,'  etc. 
Second  Edition.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 

'A  striking  and  delightful  book.  A  task  something  akin  to  Scott's  may  lie  before 
Miss  Lawless.  If  she  carries  forward  this  series  of  historical  pictures  with  the 
same  brilliancy  and  truth  she  has  already  shown,  and  with  the  increasing  self- 
control  one  may  expect  from  the  genuine  artist,  she  may  do  more  for  her  country 
than  many  a  politician.  Throughout  this  fascinating  book,  Miss  Lawless  has 
produced  something  which  is  not  strictly  history  and  is  not  strictly  fiction,  but 
nevertheless  possesses  both  imaginative  value  and  historical  insight  in  a  high 
degree.' — Times. 

'A  really  great  book.' — Spectator. 

'There  is  no  keener  pleasure  in  life  than  the  recognition  of  genius.  Good  work  is 
commoner  than  it  used  to  be,  but  the  best  is  as  rare  as  ever.  All  the  more 
gladly,  therefore,  do  we  welcome  in  "  Maelcho  "  a  piece  of  work  of  the  first  order, 
which  we  do  not  hesitate  to  describe  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  literary 
achievements  of  this  generation.  Miss  Lawless  is  possessed  of  the  very  essence 
of  historical  genius.'— Manchester  Guardian. 

E.  F.  Benson.  DODO  :  A  DETAIL  OF  THE  DAY.  By  E.  F. 
Benson.  Crown  Svo.  Sixteenth  Edition.  6s. 
A  story  of  society  which  attracted  by  its  brilliance  universal  attention.  The  best 
critics  were  cordial  in  their  praise.  The  '  Guardian '  spoke  of  '  Dodo '  as  '  un- 
usually clever  and  interesting  ;  tiie  '  Spectator '  called  it  '  a  delightfully  witty 
sketch  of  society  ; '  the  '  Speaker '  said  the  dialogue  was  '  a  perpetual  feast  of 
epigram  and  paradox'  ;  the  'Athenaeum'  spoke  of  the  author  as  'a  writer 
of  quite  exceptional  ability'  ;  the  'Academy'  praised  his  '  amazing  cleverness  ;' 
the  '  World  '  said  the  book  was  '  brilliantly  written  ' ',  and  half-a-dozen  papers 
declared  there  was  '  not  a  dull  page  in  the  book.' 

E.  F.  Benson.  THE  RUBICON.  By  E.  F.  Benson,  Author  of 
'Dodo.'  Fourth  Edition.  Crown  Svo.  6s. 
Of  Mr.  Benson's  second  novel  the  'Birmingham  Post'  says  it  is  'well  written, 
stimulating,  unconventional,  and,  in  a  word,  characteristic ' :  the  '  National 
Observer  congratulates  Mr.  Benson  upon  'an  exceptional  achievement,'  and 
calls  the  'book  '  a  notable  advance  on  his  previous  work.' 


Messrs.  Methuen's  List  23 

M.  M.  Dowie.     GALLIA.    By  Menie  Muriel  Dowie,  Author 
of  'A  Girl  in  the  Carpathians.'     Second  Edition.     Crown  Szo.    6s. 

'The  style  is  generally  admirable,  the  dialogue  not  seldom  brilliant,  the  situations 
surprising  in  their  freshness  and  originality,  while  the  subsidiary  as  wejl  as  the 
principal  characters  live  and  move,  and  the  story  itself  is  readable  from  title-page 
to  colophon.' — Saturday  Review. 

'  A  very  notable  book;  a  very  sympathetically,  at  times  delightfully  written  book.' 
— Daily  Graphic. 

MR.  BARING  GOULD'S  NOVELS 

4 To  say  that  a  book  is  by  the  author  of  "  Mehalah  "  is  to  imply  that  it  contains  a 
story  cast  on  strong  lines,  containing  dramatic  possibilities,  vivid  and  sympathetic 
descriptions  of  Nature,  and  a  wealth  of  ingenious  imagery.' — Speaker. 
'That  whatever  Mr.  Baring  Gould  writes  is  well  worth  reading,  is  a  conclusion  that 
may  be  very  generally  accepted.     His  views  of  life  are  fresh  and  vigorous,  his 
language  pointed  and  characteristic,  the  incidents  of  which  he  makes  use  are 
striking  and  original,  his  characters  are  life-like,  and  though  somewhat  excep- 
tional people,  are  drawn  and  coloured  with  artistic  force.     Add  to  this  that  his 
descriptions  of  scenes  and  scenery  are  painted  with  the  loving  eyes  and  skilled 
hands  of  a  master  of  his  art,  that  he  is  always  fresh  and  never  dull,  and  under 
such  conditions  it  is  no  wonder  that  readers  have  gained  confidence  both  in  his 
power  of  amusing  and  satisfying  them,  and  that  year   by  year  his  popularity 
widens.' — Court  Circular. 

Baring  Gould.    URITH  :  A  Story  of  Dartmoor.    By  S.  Baring 
Gould.     Third  Edition.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 
'  The  author  is  at  his  best.' — Times. 
'  He  has  nearly  reached  the  high  water-mark  of  "  Mehalah."  '—National  Observer. 

Earing  Gould.     IN  THE  ROAR  OF  THE  SEA:   A  Tale  of 
the  Cornish  Coast.     By  S.  Baring  Gould.     Fifth  Edition.     6s. 

Baring   Gould.      MRS.  CURGENVEN   OF   CURGENVEN. 
By  S.  Baring  Gould.     Fourth  Edition.     6s. 

A  story  of  Devon  life.  The  '  Graphic '  speaks  of  it  as  '  a  novel  of  vigorous  humour  and 
sustained  power'  ;  the  '  Sussex  Daily  News '  says  that  '  tlu  swing  of  the  narrative 
is  splendid' ;  and  the  '  Speaker'  mentions  its  '  bright  imaginative  power.' 

Baring  Gould.    CHEAP  JACK  ZITA      By  S.  Baring  Gould. 
Third  Edition.     Crown  Zvo.     6s. 
A  Romance  of  the  Ely  Fen  District  in  1815,  which  the  'Westminster  Gazette'  calls 
'  a  powerful  drama  of  human  passion';   and  the   '  National  Observer  '   '  a  story 
worthy  the  author.' 

Baring  Gould.  THE  QUEEN  OF  LOVE.  By  S.  Baring 
Gould.  Third  Edition.  Crown  Svo.  6s. 
The  '  Glasgow  Herald  '  says  that  '  the  scenery  is  admirable,  and  the  dramatic  inci- 
dents  are  most  striking'.'  The  'Westminster  Gazette'  calls  the  book  strong, 
interesting,  and  clever.'  '  Punch  '  says  that  'you  cannot  put  it  down  until  you 
have  finished  it.'  'The  Sussex  Daily  News'  says  il 
mended  to  all  who  care  for  cleanly,  energetic,  and  interesting fit  Hon. 


24  Messrs.  Methuen's  List 

Baring  Gould.  KITTY  ALONE.  By  S.  Baring  Gould, 
Author  of  'Mehalah,'  'Cheap  Jack  Zita,'  etc.  Fourth  Edition. 
Crown  8vo.     6s. 

'  A  strong  and  original  story,  teeming  with  graphic  description,  stirring  incident, 
and,  above  all,  with  vivid  and  enthralling  human  interest.' — Daily  Telegraph. 

'  Brisk,  clever,  keen,  healthy,  humorous,  and  interesting.' — National  Observer. 

'  Full  of  quaint  and  delightful  studies  of  character.'— Bristol  Mercury. 

Mrs.  Oliphant.  SIR  ROBERT'S  FORTUNE.  By  Mrs. 
Oliphant.  Crown  %vo.  6s. 
'  Full  of  her  own  peculiar  charm  of  style  and  simple,  subtle  character-painting  comes 
her  new  gift,  the  delightful  story  before  us.  The  scene  mostly  lies  in  the  moors, 
and  at  the  touch  of  the  authoress  a  Scotch  moor  becomes  a  living  thing,  strong, 
tender,  beautiful,  and  changeful.  The  book  will  take  rank  among  the  best  of 
Mrs.  Oliphant's  good  stories.' — Pall  Mall  Gazette. 

W.E.  Norris.  MATTHEW  AUSTIN.  By  W.  E.  Norris,  Author 
of  '  Mademoiselle  de  Mersac,' etc.     Third  Edition.    Crown  Svo.    6s. 

'  "Matthew  Austin"  may  safely  be  pronounced  one  of  the  most  intellectually  satis- 
factory and  morally  bracing  novels  of  the  current  year.' — Daily  Telegraph. 

'Mr.  W.  E.  Norris  is  always  happy  in  his  delineation  of  every-day  experiences, but 
rarely  has  he  been  brighter  or  breezier  than  in  "  Matthew  Austin."  The  pictures 
are  in  Mr.  Norris's  pleasantest  vein,  while  running  through  the  entire  story  is  a 
felicity  of  style  and  wholesomeness  of  tone  which  one  is  accustomed  to  find  in  the 
novels  of  this  favourite  author.' — Scotsman. 

W.  E.  Norris.  HIS  GRACE.  By  W.  E.  Norris,  Author  of 
'Mademoiselle  de  Mersac'  Third  Edition.  Crown  Svo.  6s. 
'Mr.  Norris  has  drawn  a  really  fine  character  in  the  Duke  of  Hurstbourne,  at  once 
unconventional  and  very  true  to  the  conventionalities  of  life,  weak  and  strong  in 
a  breath,  capable  of  inane  follies  and  heroic  decisions,  yet  not  so  definitely  por- 
trayed as  to  relieve  a  reader  of  the  necessity  of  study  on  his  own  behalf.' — 
A  thenceum. 

W.  E.  Norris.    THE   DESPOTIC    LADY    AND    OTHERS. 
By  W.  E.  Norris,  Author  of  'Mademoiselle  de  Mersac.'     Crown 
8z>o.    6s. 
'A  delightfully   humorous  tale   of  a  converted  and  rehabilitated   rope-dancer.  — 

Glasgow  Herald. 

'The  ingenuity  of  the  idea,  the  skill  with  which  it  is  worked  out,  and  the  sustained 
humour  of  its  situations,  make  it  after  its  own  manner  a  veritable  little  master- 
piece.'—  Westminster  Gazette. 

'  A  budget  of  good  fiction  of  which  no  one  will  tire.' — Scotsman. 

'An  extremely  entertaining  volume — the  sprightliest  of  holiday  companions.' — 
Daily  Telegraph. 

Gilbert  Parker.  MRS.  FALCHION.  By  Gilbert  Parker, 
Author  of  '  Pierre  and  His  People.'  Second  Edition.  Crown  Svo.  6s. 
Mr.  Parker's  second  book  has  received  a  warm  welcome.  The  '  Athenaeum '  called 
it '  a  splendid  study  of  character' ;  the  '  Pall  Mall  Gazette  '  spoke  of  the  writing  as 
'  but  little  behind  anything  that  has  been  done  by  any  -writer of  our  time  ' ;  the 
'  St.  James's'  called  it  'a  very  striking  and  admirable  novel'  ;  and  the  '  West- 
minster Gazette  '  applied  to  it  the  epithet  of  '  distinguished.' 

Gilbert  Parker.  PIERRE  AND  HIS  PEOPLE.  By  Gilbert 
Parker.    Second  Edition.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 

'Stories  happily  conceived  and  finely  executed.  There  is  strength  and  genius  in  Mr. 
Parker's  style.' — Daily  Telegraph. 


Messrs.  Methuen's  List  25 

Gilbert  Parker.  THE  TRANSLATION  OF  A  SAVAGE.  By 
Gilbert  Parker,  Author  of  'Pierre  and  His  People,'  'Mrs. 
Falchion,' etc.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 

•The  plot  is  original  and  one  difficult  to  work  out;  but  Mr.  Parker  has  done  it  with 
great  skill  and  delicacy.  The  reader  who  is  not  interested  in  this  original,  fresh, 
and  well-told  tale  must  be  a  dull  person  indeed.' — Daily  Chronicle. 

'A  strong  and  successful  piece  of  workmanship.  The  portrait  of  Lali,  strong,  digni- 
fied, and  pure,  is  exceptionally  well  drawn.' — Manchester  Guardian. 

'A  very  pretty  and  interesting  story,  and  Mr.  Parker  tells  it  with  much  skill.  The 
story  is  one  to  be  read.' — St.  James's  Gazette. 

Gilbert  Parker.  THE  TRAIL  OF  THE  SWORD.  By  Gilbert 
Parker,  Author  of  'Pierre  and  his  People,' etc.  Third  Edition. 
Crown  Svo.     6s. 

'Everybody  with  a  soul  for  romance  will  thoroughly  enjoy  "The  Trail  of  the 
Sword."  ' — St.  James's  Gazette. 

'A  rousing  and  dramatic  tale.  A  book  like  this,  in  which  swords  flash,  great  sur- 
prises are  undertaken,  and  daring  deeds  done,  in  which  men  and  women  live  and 
love  in  the  old  straightforward  passionate  way,  is  a  joy  inexpressible  to  the  re- 
viewer, brain-weary  of  the  domestic  tragedies  and  psychological  puzzles  of  every- 
day fiction  ;  and  we  cannot  but  believe  that  to  the  reader  it  will  bring  refreshment 
as  welcome  and  as  keen.' — Daily  Chronicle. 

Gilbert  Parker.  WHEN  VALMOND  CAME  TO  PONTIAC  : 
The  Story  of  a  Lost  Napoleon.  By  Gilbert  Parker.  Second 
Edition.  Crown  Svo.  6s. 
'Here  we  find  romance — real,  breathing,  living  romance,  but  it  runs  flush  with  our 
own  times,  level  with  our  own  feelings.  Not  here  can  we  complain  of  lack  of 
inevitableness  or  homogeneity.  The  character  of  Valmond  is  drawn  unerringly  ; 
his  career,  brief  as  it  is,  is  placed  before  us  as  convincingly  as  history  itself.  The 
book  must  be  read,  we  may  say  re-read,  for  any  one  thoroughly  to  appreciate 
Mr.  Parker's  delicate  touch  and  innate  sympathy  with  humanity.' — Pall  Mall 
Gazette. 

Arthur  Morrison.  TALES  OF  MEAN  STREETS.  By  Arthur 
Morrison.     Third  Edition.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 

'Told  with  consummate  art  and  extraordinary  detail.  He  tells  a  plain,  unvarnished 
tale,  and  the  very  truth  of  it  makes  for  beauty.  In  the  true  humanity  of  the  book 
lies  its  justification,  the  permanence  of  its  interest,  and  its  indubitable  triumph.' — 
A  thi  nceum. 

'  A  great  book.  The  author's  method  is  amazingly  effective,  and  produces  a  thrilling 
sense  of  reality.  The  writer  lays  upon  us  a  master  hand.  The  book  is  simply 
appalling  and  irresistible  in  its  interest.  It  is  humorous  also  ;  without  humour 
it  would  not  make  the  mark  it  is  certain  to  make.'— World. 

Julian  Corbett.  A  BUSINESS  IN  GREAT  WATERS.  By 
Julian  Corbett,  Author  of  '  For  God  and  Gold,'  '  Kophetua 
XHIth.,' etc.  CrownSvo.  6s. 
'There  is  plenty  of  incident  and  movement  in  this  romance.  It  is  interesting  as  a 
novel  framed  in  an  historical  setting,  and  it  is  all  the  more  worthy  of  attention 
from  the  lover  of  romance  as  being  absolutely  free  from  the  morbid,  the  frivolous, 
and  the  ultra-sexual.' — Athenaum. 
'  A  stirring  tale  of  naval  adventure  during  the  Great  French  War.  The  book  is  full 
of  picturesque  and  attractive  characters.'— Glasgow  Herald. 


26  Messrs.  Methuen's  List 

Robert  Barr.     IN  THE  MIDST  OF  ALARMS.    By  Robert 

Barr,  Author  of   '  From  Whose  Bourne,'  etc.      Second  Edition. 

Crown  Svo.     6s. 
'  A  book  which  has  abundantly  satisfied  us  by  its  capital  humour.' — Daily  Chronicle. 
'  Mr.  Barr  has  achieved  a  triumph  whereof  he  has  every  reason  to  be  proud.' — Pall 

Mall  Gazette. 
'There  is  a  quaint  thought  or  a  good  joke  on  nearly  every  page.     The  studies  of 

character  are  carefully  finished,  and  linger  in  the  memory.' — Black  and  White. 
'Distinguished  for  kindly  feeling,  genuine  humour,  and  really  graphic  portraiture.' 

— Sussex  Daily  News. 
'A  delightful  romance,  with  experiences  strange  and  exciting.      The  dialogue  is 

always  bright  and  witty ;   the  scenes  are  depicted  briefly  and  effectively ;  and 

there  is  no  incident  from  first  to  last  that  one  would  wish  to  have  omitted.' — 

Scotsman. 

Mrs.  Pinsent.  CHILDREN.  OF  THIS  WORLD.  By  Ellen 
F.  Pinsent,  Author  of  'Jenny's  Case.'     Crown  Svo.     6s. 

'  There  is  much  clever  writing  in  this  book.  The  story  is  told  in  a  workmanlike 
manner,  and  the  characters  conduct  themselves  like  average  human  beings.' — 
Daily  News. 

'  Full  of  interest,  and,  with  a  large  measure  of  present  excellence,  gives  ample  pro- 
mise of  splendid  work.' — Birmingham  Gazette. 

'  Mrs.  Pinsent's  new  novel  has  plenty  of  vigour,  variety,  and  good  writing.  There 
are  certainty  of  purpose,  strength  of  touch,  and  clearness  of  vision.' — Athenaunt. 

Clark  Russell.  MY  DANISH  SWEETHEART.  By  W. 
Clark  Russell,  Author  of  'The  Wreck  of  the  Grosvenor,'  etc. 
Illustrated.     Third  Edition.      Crown  Svo.     6s. 

Pryce.     TIME  AND  THE  WOMAN.     By  Richard  Pryce, 

Author  of  '  Miss  Maxwell's  Affections,'  'The  Quiet  Mrs.   Fleming,' 
etc.     Second  Edition.     Crown  Svo.     6s. 
'  Mr.  Pryce's  work  recalls  the  style  of  Octave  Feuillet,  by  its  clearness,  conciseness, 
its  literary  reserve.' — Athcnaum. 

Mrs.  Watson.  THIS  MAN'S  DOMINION.  By  the  Author 
of  'A  High  Little  World.'  Second  Edition.  Crown  Svo.  6s. 
'It  is  not  a  book  to  be  read  and  forgotten  on  a  railway  journey,  but  it  is  rather  a 
,  study  of  the  perplexing  problems  of  life,  to  which  the  reflecting  mind  will 
frequently  return,  even  though  the  reader  does  not  accept  the  solutions  which  the 
author  suggests.  In  these  days,  when  the  output  of  merely  amusing  novels  is  so 
overpowering,  this  is  no  slight  praise.  There  is  an  underlying  depth  in  the  story 
which  reminds  one,  in  a  lesser  degree,  of  the  profundity  of  George  Eliot,  and 
"  This  Man's  Dominion  "  is  by  no  means  a  novel  to  be  thrust  aside  as  exhausted  at 
one  perusal.' — Dundee  Advertiser. 

Marriott  Watson.  DIOGENES  OF  LONDON  and  other 
Sketches.  By  H.  B.  Marriott  Watson,  Author  of  '  The  Web 
of  the  Spider.'  Crown  Svo.  Buckram.  6s. 
'By  all  those  who  delight  in  the  uses  of  words,  who  rate  the  exercise  of  prose  above 
the  exercise  of  verse,  who  rejoice  in  all  proofs  of  its  delicacy  and  its  strength,  who 
believe  that  English  prose  is  chief  among  the  moulds  of  thought,  by  these 
Mr.  Marriott  Watson's  book  will  be  welcomed.' — National  Observer. 


Messrs.  Methuen's  List  27 

Gilchrist.    THE  STONE  DRAGON.    By  Murray  Gilchrist. 

Crown  Svo.    Buckram.    6s. 
'The  author's  faults  are  atoned  for  by  certain  positive  and  admirable  merits.     The 
romances  have  not  their  counterpart  in  modern  literature,  and  to  read  them  is  a 
unique  experience.' — National  Observer. 

THREE-AND-SIXPENNY     NOVELS 

Edna  Lyall.  DERRICK  VAUGHAN,  NOVELIST.  By 
Edna  Lyall,  Author  of  '  Donovan,'  etc.  Forty-first  Thousand. 
Crown  Svo.     3s.  6J. 

Baring  Gould.  ARMINELL:  A  Social  Romance.  By  S. 
Baring  Gould.     New  Edition.     Crown  Svo.     3s.  6d. 

Baring  Gould.  MARGERY  OF  QUETHER,  and  other  Stones. 
By  S.  Baring  Gould.     Crown  Svo.     3s.  6d. 

Baring  Gould.  JACQUETTA,  and  other  Stories.  By  S.  Baring 
Gould.     Crown  Svo.     3s.  6d. 

Miss    Benson.      SUBJECT   TO  VANITY.     By   Margaret 

Benson.      With  numerous  Illustrations.     Second  Edition.     Crown 

Svo.     35.  6d. 
'  A  charming  little  book  about  household  pets  by  a  daughter  of  the  Archbishop  of 

Canterbury.' — Speaker. 
'A  delightful  collection  of  studies  of  animal  nature.     It  is  very  seldom  that  we  get 

anything  so  perfect  in  its  kind.  .  .  .  The  illustrations  are  clever,  and  the  whole 

book  a  singularly  delightful  one.' — Guardian. 
'Humorous  and  sentimental  by  turns,  Miss  Benson  always  manages  to  interest  us 

in  her  pets,  and  all  who  love  animals  will  appreciate  her  book,  not  only  for  their 

sake,  but  quite  as  much  for  its  own.' — Times. 
'  All  lovers  of  animals  should  read  Miss  Benson's  book.      For  sympathetic  under- 
standing, humorous  criticism,  and  appreciative  observation  she  certainly  has  not 

her  equal.' — Manchester  Guardian. 

Gray.    ELSA.    A  Novel.    By  E.  M'Queen  Gray.     Crown  Svo. 

2,s.  6d. 
'A  charming  novel.     The  characters  are  not  only  powerful  sketches,  but  minutely 
and  carefully  finished  portraits.' — Guardian. 

J.  E.  Pearce.    JACO  TRELOAR.    By  J.  H.  Pearce,  Author  of 

'  Esther  Pentreath.'     New  Edition.     Crown  Svo.     y.6d. 
The  'Spectator'  speaks  of  Mr.  Pearce  as  '  awriter 0/ exceptional  power';  the  'Daily 
Telegraph'  calls  the  book  'powerful  and  picturesque  ' ;  the  '  Birmingham  Post" 
asserts  that  it  is  'a  novel 0/ high  quality.' 

X.  L.  AUT  DIABOLUS  AUT  NIHIL,  and  Other  Stories. 
By  X.  L.     Crown  Svo.     3^.  Cd. 

'  Distinctly  original  and  in  the  highest  degree  imaginative.  The  conception  is  almost 
as  lofty  as  Milton's.' — Spectator. 

'  Original  to  a  degree  of  originality  that  may  be  called  primitive — a  kind  of  passion- 
ate directness  that  absolutely  absorbs  us.' — Saturday  Review. 

'  Of  powerful  interest.    There  is  something  st  mal  in  the  treatment  of  the 

themes.    The  terrible  realism  leaves  no  doubt  of  the  author's  power.'— A  the <j..  um. 


28  Messrs.  Methuen's  List 

O'Grady.  THE  COMING  OF  CUCULAIN.  A  Romance  of 
the  Heroic  Age  of  Ireland.  By  Standish  O'Grady,  Author  of 
«  Finn  and  his  Companions,'  etc.  Illustrated  by  Murray  Smith. 
Crown  Svo.  3*.  6d. 

'  The  suggestions  of  mystery,  the  rapid  and  exciting  action,  are  superb  poetic  effects.' 
— Speaker. 

'  For  light  and  colour  it  resembles  nothing  so  much  as  a  Swiss  dawn.' — Manchester 
Guardian. 

'A  romance  extremely  fascinating  and  admirably  well  knit.' — Saturday  Review. 

Constance  Smith.  A  CUMBERER  OF  THE  GROUND. 
By  Constance  Smith,  Author  of  '  The  Repentance  of  Paul  Went- 
worth,'  etc.     New  Edition.     Crown  Svo.     3 s.  6d. 

Author  of  'Vera.'     THE   DANCE  OF  THE  HOURS.     By 

the  Author  of  '  Vera.'     Crotvn  Svo.     $s.  6d. 
Esme  Stuart.     A  WOMAN  OF  FORTY.    By  Esme  Stuart, 
Author  of   'Muriel's   Marriage,'   'Virginia's   Husband,'  etc.      New 
Edition.     Crown  Svo.     35.  6d. 
'The  story  is  well  written,  and  some  of  the  scenes  show  great  dramatic  power.'— 
Daily  Chronicle. 

Fenn.  THE  STAR  GAZERS.  By  G.  Manville  Fenn, 
Author  of  '  Eli's  Children,'  etc.     New  Edition.     Cr.  Svo.     31.  6d. 

'A  stirring  romance.' — Western  Morning'  News. 

'Told  with  all  the  dramatic  power  for  which  Mr.  Fenn  is  conspicuous.'— Bradford 
Observer. 

Dickinson.     A  VICAR'S  WIFE.      By   Evelyn    Dickinson. 

Crown  Svo.     $s.  6d. 
Prowse.    THE  POISON  OF  ASPS.     By  R.  Orton  Prowse. 

Crown  Svo.     35.  6d. 

Grey.     THE    STORY    OF    CHRIS.     By  Rowland  Grey. 

Crown  Svo.     $s. 

Lynn  Linton.  THE  TRUE  HISTORY  OF  JOSHUA  DAVID- 
SON, Christian  and  Communist.  By  E.  Lynn  Linton.  Eleventh 
Edition.     Fost  Svo.     \s. 


HALF-CROWN     NOVELS 

A  Series  of  Novels  by  popular  Authors. 


2/6 


i.  THE  PLAN  OF  CAMPAIGN.    By  F.  Mabel  Robinson. 

2.  DISENCHANTMENT.    By  F.  Mabel  Robinson. 

3.  MR.  BUTLER'S  WARD.    By  F.  Mabel  Robinson. 

4.  HOVENDEN,  V.C.    By  F.  Mabel  Robinson. 

5.  ELI'S  CHILDREN.  By  G.  Manville  Fenn. 

6.  A  DOUBLE  KNOT.    By  G.  Manville  Fenn. 

7.  DISARMED.    By  M.  Betham  Edwards. 


Messrs.  Methuen's  List  29 

8.  A  LOST  ILLUSION.    By  Leslie  Keith. 

9.  A  MARRIAGE  AT  SEA.    By  W.  Clark  Russell. 

10.  IN  TENT  AND  BUNGALOW.    By  the  Author  of  '  Indian 

Idylls.' 

11.  MY  STEWARDSHIP.    By  E.  M'Queen  Gray. 

12.  A  REVEREND  GENTLEMAN.     By  J.  M.  COBDAN. 

13.  A   DEPLORABLE   AFFAIR.      By  W.   E.   NORRIS. 

14.  JACK'S  FATHER.     By  W.  E.  NORRIS. 

15.  A  CAVALIER'S  LADYE.    By  Mrs.  Dicker. 

16.  JIM  B. 


3)6 


Books  for  Boys  and  Girls 

A  Series  of  Books  by  well-known  Authors,  well  illustrated. 
Crown  Svo. 

i.  THE  ICELANDER'S  SWORD.    By  S.  Baring  Gould. 

2.  TWO    LITTLE   CHILDREN   AND   CHING.     By   Edith 

E.  CUTHELL. 

3.  TODDLEBEN'S  HERO.    By  M.  M.  Blake. 

4.  ONLY  A  GUARD-ROOM  DOG.    By    Edith  E.  Cuthell. 

5.  THE  DOCTOR  OF  THE  JULIET.    By  Harry  Colling- 

WOOD. 

6.  MASTER  ROCKAFELLAR'S  VOYAGE.     By  W.   Clark 

Russell. 

7.  SYD  BELTON  :    Or,  The  Boy  who  would  not  go  to  Sea. 

By  G.  Manville  Fenn. 


3/6 


The   Peacock  Library 

A  Series  of  Books  for  Girls  by  well-known  Authors, 
handsomely  bound  in  blue  and  silver,  and  well  illustrated. 
Crown  Svo. 

1.  A  PINCH  OF  EXPERIENCE.     By  L.  B.  Walford. 

2.  THE  RED  GRANGE.     By  Mrs.  MOLESWORTH. 

3.  THE   SECRET  OF  MADAME  DE  MONLUC.      By  the 

Author  of  '  Mdle  Mori.' 

4.  DUMPS.     By  Mrs.  Parr,  Author  of 'Adam  and  Eve.' 

5.  OUT  OF  THE  FASHION.     By  L.  T.  Meade. 

6.  A  GIRL  OF  THE  PEOPLE.     By  L.  T.  Meade. 

7.  HEPSY  GIPSY.     By  L.  T.  MEADE.     2s.  6d. 

8.  THE  HONOURABLE  MISS.    By  L.  T.  MEADE. 

9.  MY  LAND  OF  BEULAH.     By  Mrs.  Leith  Adams. 


30  Messrs.  Methuen's  List 

University    Extension   Series 

A  series  of  books  on  historical,  literary,  and  scientific  subjects,  suitable 
for  extension  students  and  home  reading  circles.  Each  volume  is  com- 
plete in  itself,  and  the  subjects  are  treated  by  competent  writers  in  a 
broad  and  philosophic  spirit. 

Edited  by  J.  E.  SYMES,  M.A., 

Principal  of  University  College,  Nottingham. 

Crown  8vo.     Price  {with  some  exceptions)  2s.  6d. 

The  following  volumes  are  ready : — 

THE  INDUSTRIAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  By  H.  DE 
B.  Gibbins,  M.A.,  late  Scholar  of  Wadham  College,  Oxon.,  Cobden 
Prizeman.  Fourth  Edition.  With  Maps  and  Plans.  2s- 
'A  compact  and  clear  story  of  our  industrial  development.  A  study  of  this  concise 
but  luminous  book  cannot  fail  to  give  the  reader  a  clear  insight  into  the  principal 
phenomena  of  our  industrial  history.  The  editor  and  publishers  are  to  be  congrat- 
ulated on  this  first  volume  of  their  venture,  and  we  shall  look  with  expectant 
interest  for  the  succeeding  volumes  of  the  series.  —  University  Extension  Journal. 

A  HISTORY  OF  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  ECONOMY.     By 
L.  L.  Price,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Oriel  College,  Oxon. 

PROBLEMS  OF   POVERTY  :  An  Inquiry  into  the  Industrial 
Conditions  of  the  Poor.     By  J.  A.  Hobson,  M.A.     Second  Edition. 

VICTORIAN  POETS.    By  A.  Sharp. 

THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION.    By  J.  E.  Symes,  M.A. 

PSYCHOLOGY.    By  F.  S.  Granger,  M.A.,  Lecturer  in  Philo- 
sophy at  University  College,  Nottingham. 

THE  EVOLUTION   OF  PLANT  LIFE  :  Lower  Forms.     By 
G.  Massee,  Kew  Gardens.      With  Illustrations. 

AIR  AND  WATER.     Professor  V.  B.  Lewes,  M.A.    Illustrated. 

THE  CHEMISTRY  OF  LIFE  AND  HEALTH.      By  C.  W. 
Kimmins,  M.A.  Camb.     Illustrated. 

THE  MECHANICS  OF  DAILY  LIFE.     By  V.  P.  Sells,  M.A. 

Illustrated. 

ENGLISH  SOCIAL  REFORMERS.    H.  de  B.  Gibbins,  M.A. 

ENGLISH    TRADE    AND    FINANCE    IN   THE   SEVEN- 
TEENTH CENTURY.    By  W.  A.  S.  Hewins,  B.A. 

THE  CHEMISTRY  OF  FIRE.    The  Elementary  Principles  of 
Chemistry.    By  M.  M.  Pattison  MuiR,  M.A.     Illustrated. 

A  TEXT-BOOK  OF  AGRICULTURAL  BOTANY.   By  M.  C. 
Potter,  M.A.,  F.L.S.     Illustrated.     zs-  $d- 


Messrs.  Methuen's  List  31 

THE  VAULT    OF    HEAVEN.      A    Popular    Introduction    to 
Astronomy.     By  R.  A.  Gregory.       With  numerous  Illustrations. 

METEOROLOGY.     The    Elements   of  Weather  and   Climate. 
By  H.  N.  Dickson,  F.R.S.E.,  F.R.  Met.  Soc.    Illustrated. 

A  MANUAL  OF   ELECTRICAL   SCIENCE.     By  George 
J.  Burch,  M.A.      With  numerous  Illustrations,     y. 

THE  EARTH.     An  Introduction  to  Physiography.     By  Evan 
Small,  M.A.     Illustrated. 

INSECT   LIFE.     By  F.  W.  Theobald,  M.A.     Illustrated. 

ENGLISH  POETRY  FROM  BLAKE  TO  BROWNING.    By 

W.  M.  Dixon,  M.A. 
ENGLISH    LOCAL   GOVERNMENT.      By  E  JENKS,  M.A., 

Professor  of  Law  at  University  College,  Liverpool. 

Social   Questions  of  To-day- 
Edited  by  H.  de  B.  GIBBINS,  M.A. 

Crown  8vo.     2s.  6d.  ~   \r\ 

A  series  of  volumes  upon  those  topics  of  social,  economic,         ^  \  v-/ 
and  industrial  interest  that  are  at  the  present  moment  fore- 
most in  the  public  mind.     Each  volume  of  the  series  is  written  by  an 
author  who  is  an  acknowledged  authority  upon  the  subject  with  which 
he  deals. 

The  following  Volumes  of  the  Series  are  ready  : — 
TRADE  UNIONISM— NEW  AND  OLD.      By  G.   Howell, 
Author  of  •  The  Conflicts  of  Capital  and  Labour.'     Second  Edition. 

THE  CO-OPERATIVE   MOVEMENT    TO-DAY.      By  G.  J. 
Holyoake,  Author  of  •  The  History  of  Co-operation.' 

MUTUAL  THRIFT.      By  Rev.  J.  FROME  Wilkinson,  M.A., 

Author  of  'The  Friendly  Society  Movement.' 
PROBLEMS  OF  POVERTY  :  An  Inquiry  into  the   Industrial 

Conditions  of  the  Poor.     By  J.  A.  IIoiiSON,  M.A.     Second  Edition. 
THE  COMMERCE    OF    NATIONS.      By   C.    F.   Bastable, 

M.A.,  Professor  of  Economics  at  Trinity  College,  Dublin. 
THE  ALIEN  INVASION.   By  W.  H.  Wilkins,  B.A.,  Secretary 

to  the  Society  for  Preventing  the  Immigration  of  Destitute  Aliens. 

THE  RURAL  EXODUS.     By  P.  ANDERSON  GRAHAM. 

LAND  NATIONALIZATION.    By  Harold  Cox,  B.A. 

A    SHORTER    WORKING    DAY.       By    H.    DE    1).    GiBBINS 
and  R.  A.  HAD]  mi  d,  "I  the  I  [ecla  Works,  Shi  0 


32  Messrs.  Methuen's  List 

BACK  TO  THE  LAND  :  An  Inquiry  into  the  Cure  for  Rural 

Depopulation.     By  H.  E.  MOORE. 
TRUSTS,  POOLS  AND  CORNERS  :  As  affecting  Commerce 

and  Industry.     By  J.  Stephen  Jeans,  M.R.I.,  F.S.S. 
THE  FACTORY  SYSTEM.    By  R.  Cooke  Taylor. 
THE    STATE    AND    ITS    CHILDREN.      By    Gertrude 

TUCKWELL. 

WOMEN'S  WORK.     By   Lady   DlLKE,    Miss   Bulley,  and 

Miss  Whitley. 
MUNICIPALITIES   AT  WORK.      The  Municipal    Policy  of 

Six    Great   Towns,   and    its    Influence    on   their   Social   Welfare. 

By  Frederick  Dolman.      With  an   Introduction  by  Sir  John 

Hutton,  late  Chairman  of  the  London  County  Council.     Crown  8vo. 

Cloth.     25.  6d. 

Classical  Translations 

Edited  by  H.  F.  FOX,  M.A.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Brasenose 
College,  Oxford. 
Messrs.  Methuen  propose  to  issue  a  New  Series  of  Translations  from 
the  Greek  and  Latin  Classics.  They  have  enlisted  the  services  of  some 
of  the  best  Oxford  and  Cambridge  Scholars,  and  it  is  their  intention  that 
the  Series  shall  be  distinguished  by  literary  excellence  as  well  as  by 
scholarly  accuracy. 

Crown  8vo.     Finely  printed  and  bound  in  blue  buckram. 
CICERO— De  Oratore  I.     Translated  by  E.  N.  P.  MOOR,  M.A., 

Assistant  Master  at  Clifton.     3*.  6d. 
/ESCHYLUS— Agamemnon,  Choephoroe,  Eumenides.      Trans- 
lated by  Lewis  Campbell,  LL.D.,  late  Professor  of  Greek  at  St. 

Andrews.     55- 
LUCIAN— Six  Dialogues  (Nigrinus,  Icaro-Menippus,  The  Cock, 

The  Ship,  The  Parasite,  The  Lover  of  Falsehood).     Translated  by 

S.  T.  Irwin,  M.A.,  Assistant  Master  at  Clifton;  late  Scholar  of 

Exeter  College,  Oxford.     3-r.  6d. 
SOPHOCLES— Electra   and    Ajax.      Translated   by   E.  D.   A. 

Morshead,  M.A.,  late  Scholar  of  New  College,  Oxford  ;  Assistant 

Master  at  Winchester.     2s.  6d. 
TACITUS— Agricola    and    Germania.      Translated    by    R.    B. 

Townshend,  late  Scholar  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge.     2s.  6d. 
CICERO— Select  Orations  (Pro  Milone,  Pro  Murena,  Philippic  II., 

In  Catilinam).     Translated  by  H.  E.  D.  Blakiston,  M.A.,  Fellow 

and  Tutor  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford.      55. 


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